and patriotic support to a Government engaged in a tremendous conflict for European freedom, and eventually raised this kingdom to a predominance which reformed constituencies have never equalled.

Until a late period in the history of this country, a real representation of the majority of the people would have been a national calamity. Even in the early part of the eighteenth century—when science and literature were cultivated with success by distinguished authors-the great mass of the people were still in such a condition of fanatical ignorance, that they would gladly have persecuted the Dissenters and restored the Stuarts. It would, indeed, be easy to show that during the greater part of the last century the sense of the whole nation, if it had been duly represented, would have been an untrustworthy director of the national policy.

Are we, then, quite certain that a future

generation will not reject with contempt the political sentiments which are now shouted in market-places or applauded in town-halls?

The system of representative institutions is based upon the principle that the constituent body reflects the collective wisdom of the nation. Radicals maintain that all persons, both men and women (excluding minors, criminals, and lunatics), should form the constituent body. It is even affirmed, by straining the usual meaning of language, that persons debarred from the exercise of the franchise are virtually slaves.

According to this political theory, the majority of the whole people, without reference to property, to taxation, to education, or to sex, should elect the representatives.

Government by party is the inseparable accompaniment of representative institutions. The rivalry of competing parties seeking popular support will continually tend to enlarge the constituent body. Thus it appears that uni

versal suffrage (or a suffrage nearly universal)

is the ultimate and

unavoidable result of

representative reforms.

When representation has descended to the lowest stratum of society, it can fall no further.

“Qui jacet in terrâ non habet unde cadat."

What will be the possible consequences to the British Empire of such an extension of the franchise?

The political affairs of the Empire in this nineteenth century are more complex than those of any other state in ancient or modern times. The geographical position of this island, which, according to the Roman poet, detached it from the rest of the world, now, on the contrary, connects it with every region of the habitable globe. No other state was ever governed under such an anomalous mixture of monarchical and democratic institutions. No other state ever possessed so many distant dependencies ruled under such various systems

of administration.

The interests of this

country are so diversified, intricate, and entangled by commercial and financial ties, so interwoven with the credit of foreign states, that the least disturbance in any part of the world immediately vibrates here, producing embarrassment and alarm.

This artificial condition of society is to be subjected to the capricious decisions of ignorant and needy electors enfranchised by universal suffrage.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE POLITICS OF THE PROLETARIAT.

CICERO, in his treatise, "De Re Publica," says, in describing the divisions of the Roman tribes by Servius Sulpicius: "Eos, qui nihil in suum censum præter caput attulissent proletarios nominavit, ut ex iis proles, id est quasi progenies civitatis expectari videretur."

The word "proletariat" has been accordingly used to signify the poorest class of labourers or artisans. These men, passing their lives in monotonous occupation, seldom exercise their mental faculties. They possess little individuality of character, and feeble powers of discrimination. As a class, they are generous one to another, and readily sympathize with their fellow-workmen, whenever trades-unionism does