have come at their own charge. The country affords to strangers a good climate, fine wholesome air, plenty of provisions, good laws, just and cheap government; with all the liberties, civil and religious, that reasonable men can wish for. These inducements are so great, and the number of people in all the nations of Europe, who wish to partake of them, is so considerable, that if the states were to undertake transporting people at the expense of the public, no revenue that they have would be sufficient. Having therefore no orders or authority, either from the congress or the state of Pennsylvania, to procure settlers or manufacturers, by engaging to defray them, I cannot enter into the contract proposed in your second article. The other articles would meet with no difficulty. Men are not forced there into the public service, and a special law might be easily obtained to give you a property for seven years in the useful inventions you may introduce.

You will do well to weigh seriously the following consideration:-If you can establish yourselves there during the war, it is certain that your manufactures will be much more profitable, as they sell at very high prices now, owing to the difficulty and risk of transporting them from Europe. But then your passages also will be more expensive, and your risk greater of having your project ruined, by being taken, stripped, and imprisoned. If you wait till a peace, you will pass much cheaper and more securely, and you have a better chance of settling yourselves and posterity in a comfortable and happy situation. On these points your prudence must determine. If I were to advise, I should think it rather most prudent to wait for a peace, and then to victual a vessel

in some port of Ireland, where it can be done cheap, to which you might easily pass from Liverpool. There are, I understand, some apprehensions that your ministers may procure a law to restrain the emigration of manufacturers. But I think that, weak and wicked as they are, and tyrannical as they are disposed to be, they will hardly venture upon an act that shall make a prison of England to confine men for no other crime than that of being useful and industrious; and to discourage the learning of useful mechanic arts, by declaring, that as soon as a man is master of his business, he shall lose his liberty, and become a prisoner for life; while they suffer their idle and extravagant gentry to travel and reside abroad at their pleasure, spending the incomes of their estates, racked from their laborious honest tenants, in foreign follies, and among French and Italian whores and fiddlers. Such a law would be too glaringly unjust to be borne with.

I wish you success in what you may resolve to undertake; and you will find me ever your assured friend and humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Passy, April 2, 1782. I received duly the honor of your letter, accompanying the capitulation of Gen. Cornwallis. All the world agree that no expedition was ever better planned or better executed: it has made a great addition to the military reputation you had already acquired, and brightens the glory that surrounds your name, and that must accompany it to our latest posterity. No news could possibly make me more happy. The infant Hercules has now strangled the

two serpents that attacked him in his cradle, and I trust his future history will be answerable.

This will be presented to you by the Count de Ségur. He is son of the Marquis de Ségur, minister of war, and our very good friend; but I need not claim your regards to the young gentleman on that score; his amiable personal qualities, his very sensible conversation, and his zeal for the cause of liberty, will obtain and secure your esteem, and be better recommendation than any I can give him.

The English seem not to know either how to continue the war, or to make peace with us. Instead of entering into a regular treaty, for putting an end to a contest they are tired of, they have voted in parliament, that the recovery of America by force is impracticable, that an offensive war against us ought not to be continued, and that whoever advises it shall be deemed an enemy to his country.

Thus the garrisons of New York and Charlestown, if continued there, must sit still, being only allowed to defend themselves. The ministry not understanding or approving this making of peace by halves, have quitted their places; but we have no certain account here who is to succeed them, so that the measures likely to be taken are yet uncertain; probably we shall know something of them before the Marquis de la Fayette takes his departure. There are grounds for good hopes, however; but I think we should not therefore relax in our preparations for a vigorous campaign, as that nation is subject to sudden fluctuations; and, though somewhat humiliated at pre

* Alluding to the surrender of the two British armies under BURGOYNE and CORNWALLIS, Oct. 17, 1777, and Oct. 1781.

sent, a little success in the West Indies may dissipate their present fears, recal their natural insolence, and occasion the interruption of negociation, and a continuance of the war. We have great stores purchased here for the use of your army, which will be sent as soon as transports can be procured for them to go under good convoy.

My best wishes always have, and always will attend you; being with the greatest and most sincere esteem and respect, sir, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHASTELLUX.*

DEAR SIR,

(In America.)

Passy, April 6, 1782. It gave me great pleasure to hear by the officers returned last winter from your army, that you continued in good health. You will see by the public papers that the English begin to be weary of the war; and they have reason, having suffered many losses, having four nations of enemies on their hands, few men to spare, little money left, and very bad heads. The latter they have lately changed. As yet we know not what measures their new ministry will take. People generally think they will be employed by the king to extricate him from his present difficulties, by obtaining a peace, and that then he will kick them out again; they being all men that he abominates, and who have been forced upon him by the parliament.

The commons have already made a sort of half peace with us Americans, by forbidding their troops

* Afterwards the Marquis de Chastellux.

on the continent to act offensively; and by a new law they have impowered the king to complete it. As yet I hear nothing of the terms they mean to propose; indeed they have had hardly time to form them. I know they wish to detach us from France; but that is impossible.

I congratulate you on the success of your last glorious campaign. Establishing the liberties of America will not only make that people happy, but will have some effect in diminishing the misery of those, who in other parts of the world groan under despotism, by rendering it more circumspect, and inducing it to govern with a lighter hand. A philosopher endowed with those strong sentiments of humanity that are manifested in your excellent writings,* must enjoy great satisfaction in having contributed so extensively by his sword, as well as by his pen, to the félicité publique.

M. le Comte de Ségur has desired of me a line of recommendation to you. I consider his request rather as a compliment to me, than as asking what may be of use to him; since I find that all who know him here esteem and love him, and he is certainly not unknown to you.

Dare I confess to you that I am your rival with Madame G*** ? I need not tell you that I am not a dangerous one: I perceive that she loves you very much; and so does, dear sir, yours, &c.

*

B. FRANKLIN.

Principally a Treatise on PUBLIC HAPPINESS.