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Shelburne's, and the same that recommended Mr. M'Lean to be his secretary. Perhaps it might be talked of in my absence.

The commissioners for the American board went hence while I was in France; you know before this time who they are, and how they are received, which I want to hear. Mr. Williams, who is gone in some office with them, is brother to our cousin Williams of Boston; but I assure you I had not the least share in his appointment; having, as I told you before, carefully kept out of the way of that whole affair.

As soon as I received Mr. Galloway's, Mr. T. Wharton's, and Mr. Croghan's letters on the subject of the boundary, I communicated them immediately to Lord Shelburne. He invited me the next day to dine with him. Lord Clare was to have been there, but did not come. There was nobody but Mr. M'Lean. My lord knew nothing of the boundary's having ever been agreed on by Sir William, had sent the letters to the board of trade, desiring search to be made there for Sir William's letters, and ordered Mr. M'Lean to search the secretary's office, who found nothing. We had much discourse about it ; and I pressed the importance of dispatching orders immediately to Sir William to complete the affair. His lordship asked who was to make the purchase, i. e. be at the expense? I said that if the line included any lands within the grants of the charter colonies, they should pay the purchase money of such pro-. portion. If any within the proprietary grants, they should pay their proportion; but that what was within royal governments, where the king granted the lands, the crown should pay for that proportion. His lordship was pleased to say, he thought this

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reasonable. He finally desired me to go to Lord Clare as from him, and urge the business there, which I undertook to do. Among other things at this conversation we talked of the new settlement; his lordship told me he had himself drawn up a paper of reasons for those settlements, which he laid before the king in council, acquainting them that he did not offer them merely as his own sentiments, they were what he had collected from General Amherst, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Jackson, three gentlemen that were allowed to be the best authorities for any thing that related to America. I think he added, that the council seemed to approve of the design: I know it was referred to the board of trade, who, I believe, have not yet reported on it, and I doubt will report against it. My lord told me one pleasant circumstance, viz. that he had shown his paper to the dean of Gloucester (Tucker) to hear his opinion of the matter; who very sagaciously remarked, that he was sure that paper was drawn up by Dr. Franklin ; he saw him in every paragraph; adding, that Dr. Franklin wanted to remove the seat of government to America: that, said he, is his constant plan.

I waited next morning upon Lord Clare, and pressed the matter of the boundary closely upon him. He said they could not find they had ever received any letters from Sir William concerning this boundary, but were searching farther: agreed to the necessity of settling it; but thought there would be some difficulty about who should pay the purchase-money; for that this country was already so loaded it could bear no more. We then talked of the new colonies. I found he was inclined to think one near the mouth of the Ohio might be of

use, in securing the country, but did not much approve that at Detroit. And as to the trade, he imagined it would be of little consequence if we had all the peltry to be purchased there, but supposed our traders would sell it chiefly to the French and Spaniards, at New Orleans, as he had heard they had hitherto done.

At the same time that we Americans wish not to be judged of in the gross, by particular papers written by anonymous scribblers and published in the colonies, it would be well if we could avoid falling into the same mistake in America, in judging of ministers here by the libels printed against them. The enclosed is a very abusive one, in which, if there is any foundation of truth, it can only be in the insinuation contained in the words, " after eleven adjournments," that they are too apt to postpone business but if they have given any occasion for this reflection, there are reasons and circumstances that may be urged in their excuse.

It gives me pleasure to hear that the people of the other colonies are not insensible of the zeal with which I occasionally espouse their respective interests, as well as the interests of the whole. I shall continue to do so as long as I reside here and am able.

The present ministry seem now likely to continue through this session of parliament; and perhaps, if the new parliament should not differ greatly in complexion from this, they may be fixed for a number of years, which I earnestly wish, as we have no chance for a better. Your affectionate father,




London, Dec. 1, 1767. I duly received your favors of August 22, Sep-. tember 20, and October 8, and within these few days one of February 14, recommending Mr. Morgan Edwards and his affair of the Rhode Island college, which I shall endeavor to promote, deeming the institution one of the most catholic and generous of the kind.

I am inclined to think with you, that the small sum you have issued to discharge the public debts only, will not be materially affected in its credit for want of a legal tender, considering especially the present extreme want of money in the province. You appear to me to point out the true cause of the general distress, viz. the late luxurious mode of living introduced by a too great plenty of cash. It is indeed amazing to consider that we had a quantity sufficient before the war began, and that the war added immensely to that quantity by the sums spent among us by the crown, and the paper struck and issued in the province; and now, in so few years, all the money spent by the crown is gone away, and has carried with it all the gold and silver we had before, leaving us bare and empty, and at the same time more in debt to England than ever we were! But I am inclined to think that the mere making more money will not mend our circumstances, if we do not return to that industry and frugality which were the fundamental causes of our former prosperity. I shall, nevertheless, do my utmost this winter to obtain the repeal of the act restraining the legal tender, if our friends the merchants think it practicable, and will heartily espouse

the cause; and in truth, they have full as much interest in the event as we have.

The present ministry, it is now thought, are likely to continue at least till a new parliament; so that our apprehensions of a change, and that Mr. Grenville would come in again, seem over for the present. He behaves as if a little out of his head on the article of America, which he brings into every debate without rhyme or reason, when the matter has not the least connexion with it: thus at the beginning of this session, on the debate upon the king's speech he tired every body, even his friends, with a long harangue about and against America, of which there was not a word in the speech. Last Friday he produced in the house a late Boston gazette, which he said denied the legislative authority of parliament, was treasonable, rebellious, &c., and moved it might be read, and that the house would take cognizance of it; but it being moved, on the other hand, that Mr. G.'s motion should be postponed to that day six months, it was carried without a division and as it is known that this parliament will expire before that time, it was equivalent to a total rejection of the motion. The Duke of B. too, it seems, moved in vain for a consideration of this paper in the house of lords. These are favorable symptoms of the present disposition of parliament towards America, which I hope no conduct of the Americans will give just cause of altering.

Be so good as to present my best respects to the house; and believe me, with sincere esteem and regard, dear sir, your affectionate friend and most obedient servant, B. FRANKLIn.

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