such notions: they were only what the Talmud held out to the true believers amongst the Jews-"That at the end of days all the peoples of the earth should be destroyed, or should become the servants of the elect, who should live in glory and feast in Behemoth and Leviathan." But these tales were too refined for the ears of boors. "The dark and dingy workshop, where continuous toil leaves the spirit free for a certain degree of meditation, was suddenly illumined by these notions of a near and blessed futurity-a dream too intoxicating not to find believers."

The rise and fall of the Anabaptists in Münster we shall altogether omit. It has been often written and may be read elsewhere, though Ranke's account of it may well claim the attention of those who have read the best of what other historians have written upon it. We think the conclusion of this chapter of horrors will be new to many. "At the moment (says Ranke) of the overthrow of the Anabaptists in Münster, many had fled in despair to England. Here, amid the storms of the seventeenth century, their whole system of opinions assumed a most remarkable form: for example, a great deal of what is peculiar in the mode of life of the Quakers is a mere reproduction of what Justus Menius imputes to the Anabaptists. But (Ranke proceeds to say) the colonies of North America now lay open to them. Those things for which there was no room in a constituted society, where such experiments would produce nothing but disorder and destruction, were practicable in a world where everything had to be created. In Providence and Pennsylvania the moral and religious ideas of the Anabaptists were first developed and reduced to practice."

The last chapter of this most important volume is scarcely less full of stirring incidents than any in the preceding books. It carries us out of Germany into Denmark and Holland, though in both places it is still the struggle of the identical principle with whose operations we have become so familiar. We conclude our not unlaborious attempt to set before our readers a faithful account of Ranke's estimate of the men and their affairs of this eventful era in his own words-pointing out, as they moreover do, that our own task is not yet completed :

"The intention of the authors of the Reform was not to prescribe new laws to the world: they had no desire to shake the foundations of political and social life as actually constituted. Their only object was to emancipate themselves from a hierarchy which, exclusive and worldly as it had become, still laid claim to absolute and divine authority. In this undertaking vast progress had now been made; but it was far from being thoroughly accomplished. Mighty powers,

constrained by their nature and interests to resist all attempts at separation, were still arrayed against it. We shall still have to tell of the stern conflicts and the various fortunes of this high intellectual warfare."

ART. III.-Histoire de la Vie Politique et Privée de Louis Philippe. Par M. A. DUMAS. Paris: Dufour et Mulat. Two vols. 8vo. 1852.

AS Monsieur Dumas was, during one portion of his life, intimately connected with Louis Philippe previous to the elevation of the latter to the throne, a biography of that eminent personage from the practised hand of the writer in question could not fail to be interesting. The author is evidently, however, more in love with his work than with his hero. It is seldom that he has a good word to say for the latter. The portraiture is unpleasantly perfect. We cannot deny the likeness nor the ability of the artist; but the result, although interesting to contemplate, impresses us painfully. We see the old actor daguerreotyped, and his very defects present themselves to our eyes with increased plainness, in presence of which the good qualities and handsome features all but disappear.

Louis Philippe, at his birth on the 6th of October 1773, was created Duc de Valois--a title out of which, in later days, it was sought to be shown that he was really a Valois and little or nothing of a Bourbon. His father, then Duc de Chartres, afterwards better known by his assumed republican name of "Egalité," was a seeker after popularity. He had delighted the wide world of gamblers by losing his property to them. He had pleased farmers by walking and talking with them upon the surface of the soil: he had not less pleased scientific men by descending into the bowels of the earth he had been admired by the gobemouches for ascending above it in a balloon; and the profane Parisians he had rendered expressly extatic by riding naked from Versailles to the Palais Royal in order to gain a miserable wager. When he had helped the Prince de Lamballe to slay himself by his wild debaucheries, the duc married the prince's sister, simply because she inherited her brother's fortune as well as her own. She was a most exemplary woman, respected alike by the monarch, the republic, and the empire. Louis Philippe was their eldest son. Their first child was a daughter who died in the moment of her birth. Two

other sons, Montpensier and Beaujolais, scarcely attained manhood. One other daughter, Adelaide, the sister and mentor of Louis Philippe, shared most of his greatness as of his misfortunes; and it was only at her death that misfortune took an aspect of mastery over him which he was unable to resist.

At the period of his birth the spirit of democracy was first rising into power. The father of Louis Philippe paid homage to the spirit by having his newly born son simply named by his chaplain, in presence of the parish priest and two lacqueys, without further ceremony. It was not till twelve years subsequently when, by the death of his grandfather he had become Duc de Chartres, his father succeeding to the title of Duc d' Orleans, that he was solemnly christened, having Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette for his sponsors.

He passed from the hands of governesses to those of tutors, the chief of whom, M. de Bonnard, was a maker of madrigals and a writer of erotic poetry. From him, the little duke was handed over to the celebrated Madame de Genlis. This famous individual was lady of honour to the duchess and mistress to the Duke of Orleans. He now named her governess of his children. Madame de Genlis had intrigued for the appointment and had succeeded. When formal application was made to the king for his consent to the proceeding, the monarch gave contemptuous sanction thereto, expressing his satisfaction that children to be so educated were not likely to succeed to the crown of France. Louis XVI. considered that the throne would be occupied by the little Duc d' Angouleme, son of the Count d'Artois (Charles X). He little dreamed that the pupil of Madame de Genlis would dethrone the count, keep d'Angouleme from his inheritance, and fling the mantle of royalty over pis own shoulders-a wantle which the democracy helped to put on and to tear off-scourging the fallen citizen-king, as it were, with the insignia of the greatness with which they had been delighted to invest him.

Madame de Genlis had Louis Philippe and his brother Beaujolais instructed in Latin, Greek, German, English, and Italian. Each repast had its separate language. Mythology, natural history, geography, the exact sciences, law, drawing, agriculture, surgery, chymistry, architecture, and mechanics, formed also a portion of their studies; and Louis Philippe, who never had an ear for music, became a really good linguist, and to the last year of his life manifested how excellent a builder, gardener, farmer, or lawyer he would have made, had circumstances required from him to exercise either of these dissimilar vocations. He was at first the most inert and most stupid of

scholars; but Madame de Genlis taught him many things by means of conversation and he became apt student enough. Her greatest boast was that he always "loved her passionately." It was part of her plan to take her pupils twice a week to the theatre; and no doubt the author of such a proceeding was affectionately esteemed by her pupils, particularly when they, as in the case of Louis Philippe, loved history, were quick of intellect, and to whom it was agreeable to learn the great deeds of the past by witnessing them played, though travestied, on the stage. He strove to imitate the heroes whose counterfeit presentments had strutted their little hour before him in sock and buskin. He was one day witnessing the casting of a piece of silver work when he was severely burned in the leg by some of the molten metal having splashed over it. He bore the terrible pain in silence till it was betrayed by the odour caused by his singed stocking. Madame de Genlis kissed the boy, and thought the young Spartan who had allowed the fox to gnaw the youthful patriot's bowels out beneath his cloak was less of a hero than the son of Orleans. The telling of this anecdote sets M. Dumas moralising, and this is the sum of his philosophical conclusions on the question of the courage and patience of the prince who was his patron :—

"As long as the Duc de Chartres was only a prince, or the Duc d' Orleans only a fugitive, these good impulses reached their utmost extent; but it was no longer the same when the Duc d' Orleans was at the Palais Royal, or the king at the Tuileries. As these good movements, strangely enough, emanated rather from a liberality of education than an innate generosity of heart, they who counselled the king commonly combatted the movement. If the prince were about to make a contribution of a thousand francs to some charity they generally got him to reduce it to five hundred. If the king were about to grant a complete amnesty, they contrived to have it changed into the gallies, imprisonment, or surveillance; so that all greatness was stripped from the act. Personal spontaneousness had, indeed, made it complete and great; but external suggestion rendered it paltry and small.

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During two years I was charged with the distribution of the charities of the Duc d' Orleans, he gave away about forty pounds dailysomething like the twelfth of his income. Often have I had to apply to him personally and directly when the misery, in whose name I spoke, was pressing. I never spoke in vain. When I was alone I could get from him all I asked. If the matter had to be deferred till the morrow, I obtained the half of what was promised; if two days intervened, I got but a third and so on. The people around the duke, like those around the king, did not tend to make him great, but to make him little."

Madame de Genlis declares, and the early journals kept by

the young prince go to prove it, that Louis Philippe, in his opening life and youth, was embued with religious principles. As manhood came on the good principle decayed and became finally extinct. On his death-bed, in exile at Claremont, he did not receive the sacrament until it had been repeatedly suggested to him by the queen, Marie Amelie. She urged that his salvation rested upon his submission in this case. He smiled-the rite was celebrated-communion performed-and the spirit of the communicant exhibited in the remark made immediately after, to the effect that now, as he hoped, the queen was satisfied!

With the practical in his early education there was much that was sentimental. Little offences were expiated by the raising of votive altars, and the ceremonies that marked these occasions were pretty, pastoral, but pagan. There was something of the drama, too, in much of even the practical part of the education. Thus, in 1786, Madame de Genlis took her pupils upon a provincial tour. Among other places they visited Mont St. Michel, a gloomy rock, at once convent, fort, and prison. There was the famous wooden cage in which political prisoners were thrust. It was a place of "little ease," and had been originally constructed by order of Louis XIV. for a Dutch editor who had been bold enough to comment upon some of the amazing deeds of the illustrious Grand Monarque. The absolute Sovereign kept the wretched journalist confined here in darkness during eighteen years; and the poor captive, who could never stand upright at any period of that weary time, went raving mad ere death relieved him :

"They arrived about eleven o'clock in the evening, and as they were expected the fort was illuminated and the convent bells set in motion

The prior and a dozen of the brethren received the princes at the foot of the four hundred steps which lead to the convent. In the middle of supper Madame de Genlis, instigated by signs made to her by her pupils, touched upon the famous question of the iron cage.

"Thereon the prior explained to the marchioness that, with the iron cage, there was the same misapprehension as with the iron mask. The iron mask was of velvet, and the iron cage was of wood. But, though a wooden, it was not the less a solid, cage, composed of enormous beams, with interstices of only three or four fingers' breadth between them. Moreover (added the prior), this cage, which has become almost useless to us, gives a bad reputation to the convent; and I have formed the resolution to destroy it.' This was a fine opportunity for Madame de Genlis to display the philanthropical education she had imparted to her pupils; she met the expression of the prior's resolve by requesting him to make a solemnity of the destruction. The ceremony was arranged for the following day.

"The next day the descent was made with some pomp into the dungeon. Madame de Genlis was at the head of her four pupils