I mention to show his gratitude. I could have | presentatives of the province of Massachuexcused his not thanking me for sparing him setts Bay; that when given to me, I did not a second hazard of his life; for though he know to whom they had been addressed, no might feel himself served, he might also ap- address appearing upon them; nor did I know prehend, that to seem pleased, would look as before, that any such letters existed; that I if he was afraid of fighting again; or perhaps had not been for many years concerned in he did not value his life at any thing; but the printing; that I did not cause the letters to addition to his fortune, one would think of be printed, nor direct the doing it; that I did some value to a banker; and yet the return not erase any address that might have been this worthy gentleman made me for both fa- on the letters; nor did I know that any other vours, was, without the smallest previous no- person had made such erasure; that I did, as tice, warning, complaint, or request to me, agent to the province, transmit (as I appredirectly or indirectly, to clap upon my back a hended it my duty to do) the said letters to chancery suit. His bill set forth, "That he one of the committee, with whom I had been was administrator of the goods and chattles directed to correspond, inasmuch as, in my of his late brother, Thomas Whately; that judgment, they related to matters of great some letters had been written to his said bro- public importance to that province, and were ther, by the governors Hutchinson and Oli- put into my hands for that purpose; that I had ver; that those letters had been in the custody never been applied to by the complainant, as of his said brother at the time of his death, or asserted in his bill, and had made no profits of had been by him delivered to some other per- the letters, nor intended to make any, &c." son for perusal, and to be by such person safely kept and returned to said Thomas Whately; that the same had by some means come into my hands; that to prevent a discovery, I, or some person by my order, had erased the address of the letters to the said Thomas Whately; that, carrying on the trade of a printer, I had by my agents or confederates, printed and published the same letters in America, and disposed of great numbers; that I threatened to print and sell the same in England; and that he had applied to me to deliver up to him the said letters, and all copies thereof, and desist from printing and publishing the same, and account with him for the profits thereof; and he was in hopes I would have complied with such request, but so it was that I had refused, &c., | contrary to equity and good conscience, and to the manifest injury and oppression of him, the complainant; and praying my lord chancellor, that I might be obliged to discover how I came by the letters, what number of copies I had printed and sold, and to account with him for the profits, &c. &c." The gentleman himself, must have known, that every circumstance of this was totally false; that of his brother's having delivered the letters to some other person for perusal, excepted. Those as little acquainted with law as I was, (who, indeed, never before had a law-suit of any kind,) may wonder at this as much as I did; but I have now learned, that in chancery, though the defendant must swear to the truth of every point in his answer, the plaintiff is not put to his oath, or obliged to have the least regard to truth in his bill, but is allowed to lie as much as he pleases. I do not understand this, unless it be for the encouragement of business. It was about this time become evident, that all thoughts of reconciliation with the colony of the Massachusetts Bay, by attention to their petitions and a redress of their grievances, was laid aside; that severity was resolved; and that the decrying and villifying the people of that country, and me their agent among the rest, was quite a court measure. It was the ton with all the ministerial folks to abuse them and me, in every company, and in every newspaper; and it was intimated to me as a thing settled, long before it happened, that the petition for removal of the governors was to be rejected, the assembly censured, and myself who had presented it, was to be punished by the loss of my place in the post office. For all this I was therefore prepared; but the attack from Mr. Whately was, I own, a surprise to me; under the abovementioned circumstances of obligation, and without the slightest provocation, I could not have imagined any man base enough to commence, of his own motion, such a vexatious suit against me. But a little accidental information served to throw some light upon the business: an acquaintance* calling on me, after having just been at the treasury, showed me what he styled a pretty thing, for a friend of his; it was an order for one hundred and fifty pounds, payable to Dr. Samuel Johnson, said to be one half of his yearly pension, and drawn by the secretary of the treasury on this same Mr. Whately. I then considered him as a banker to the treasury for the pension money, and thence as having an interested connection with administration, that might induce him to act by direction of others in harassing me with this suit; which gave me if possible a still meaner opinion of him, than if he had done it of his own accord. What further steps he or his confederates, My answer, upon oath, was, "That the letters in question were given to me, and came *This was the late William Strahan, Esq. M. P. and into my hands, as agent for the house of re-king's printer. VOL. I....N 9 the ministers, will take in this cause, I know | produced virtues, of which administration had not I do not believe the banker himself, little or no conception: they therefore definding there are no profits to be shared, would nominated them vices. willingly lay out a sixpence more upon the suit; but then my finances are not sufficient to cope at law with the treasury here; especially when administration has taken care to prevent my constituents of New England from paying me any salary, or reimbursing me any expenses, by a special instruction to the governor, not to sign any warrant for that purpose on the treasury there. The injustice of thus depriving the people there of the use of their own money, to pay an agent acting in their defence, while the governor, with a large salary out of the money extorted from them by act of parliament, was enabled to pay plentifully Mauduit and Wedderburn to abuse and defame them and their agent, is so evident as to need no comment. But this they call GOVERNMENT!! Here closes the tract, as written by Dr. Franklin. It appears by the foregoing faithful account of the proceedings before the lords of the privy council, that when Dr. Franklin, as agent for the province of Massachusetts Bay, presented the petition for removing the governor and lieutenant-governor, the ministry made the cause of those gentlemen their own; and Wedderburn, in defiance of the common law and custom of the realm, was ordered to change the object of the court; and, instead of entering into the merits of the question, to abuse a man who had offended them: "Search earth, search hell, the devil could not find, An agent like LOTHARIO, to his mind."-Churchill. This, like all odious proceedings, raised the indignation of the people. In the first transports of it, even corruption and venality spoke the sentiments of virtue. Wedderburn was every where mentioned with detestation, which was doing him too much honour. It was generous in the public to be angry with him. Those who were somewhere behind the scenes, and who ordered the exhibitions which the ostensible people were only acting, were the proper objects of indignation; and if there had been virtue enough in the nation, they would have been dragged into light. Administration having at this time succeeded in their plans in the east, turned their views westward, where alone, liberty seemed to have any refuge, and where therefore their principal efforts must be directed. The same art and the same chicane had been practised there; but it was not likely to be attended with the same success. America was not disposed to become, like the East Indies, an appendage to administration. It had raised itself into wealth by a kind industry which For Dr. It was evident, that the contest with America was merely an affair of administration, with a view to increase the number of places at its disposal, and to facilitate the only method they knew of to govern the people. It will not be wondered at, therefore, that those persons who appeared in behalf of the Americans, should undergo all the rage and malice of administration. Dr. Franklin had been the most distinguished of those, and would long before have been sacrificed to their resentment, if he had not been protected by real integrity and by very superior talents. He was sent over to England to oppose the stamp act; and the virtuous and noble strain of all his answers at his examination before the house of commons, in February, 1776, seemed to reproach the times: they were like the sentiments of an Aristides, and they left deep impressions on the minds of men. that very reason he was watched, tried, and tempted. Cunning, allied even with power, cannot commit wickedness in a manly manner. At last, something like an occasion arose, and the whole wisdom of government was employed to make the most of it. Franklin had got into his possession the letters of governor Hutchinson and lieutenantgovernor Oliver, in a manner which he has shown to have been very consistent with the highest honour and honesty. These letters, which Wedderburn called private and confidential ones, were used by public men to produce public measures. Dr. Franklin thought it his duty as an agent, to send them to Boston, to remove the misapprehensions of his friends there concerning all the motives of government, and to direct their resentment to its proper objects. A further use was made of the letters than he intended; and they produced the petition which he was ordered to present. The conduct of administration on the occasion was most extraordinary! The rulers of a great people might have been expected, even with any principles, to have had some regard to decency. The petition of a large and important province was going to be considered; administration thought fit to turn it into a pastime; they invited their friends in great numbers to partake of the entertainment. This serious business was converted into a bull-baiting; the noble creature was to be taken by surprise, to be secured from assistance, and to be yelped and bit at by a little noisy cur. This was proper matter of diversion for a solemn committee of the privy council, and a large audience of the wise and virtuous senators of the country! But it served to amuse. The Boston petition had the appearance of a hearing; and some noise was made about virtue, and truth, and honour, in ill-grounded invectives to prevent the effects of the most deliberate against Dr. Franklin. That truly great and and rancorous malice that had ever been good man beheld the childish tricks with exerted against an innocent and praiseworthy thorough compassion; resolved himself not to man. break in upon the proper decorum of public business; as he had not come there to squab ble with Mr. Wedderburn, and was not, like him, a wrangler by profession. He therefore let the diversion go on; and went home fully determined to make his appeal to a higher and more competent tribunal. Every objection to his conduct was answered at the time, and generally well answered; except the plausible one, which was triumphantly made by the friends of administration. They said-that a man holding a place under a government, should be faithful to that government; and that Dr. Franklin, having a But cunning deals in something like plans lucrative office, should not have embroiled and schemes of mischief, which Franklin did government, on any account, with the Amerinot suspect from the talents of his abusers; cans. This was suffering to be taken for and if he had, he could not have provided granted, what indeed it would not have been against them. On the first rumour of a pe- difficult to prove—that the interest of administition from Boston, against these good friends tration is one thing, and the interest of the of administration, Hutchinson and Oliver, people another. It does not signify where they determined on the whole plan. When the people reside, whether in America or in the matter came to a hearing, it was to be Middlesex. This being the case, it is avowconverted into abuse of Dr. Franklin, who ing the plainest principle of tyranny, to mainwas to be dismissed from his place the next tain that the king's servants are his own, and morning, loaded with all the ignominy and have no duty or relation to the people! desdisgrace they could lay upon him.-But what potic governments perhaps may be alarmed was to be done with his understanding and to find this doctrine now condemned even in talents?-This man, though in years, and of the army, which they consider as immediatea philosophical and peaceable turn, might not ly depending on themselves, and perfectly take all these injuries in good part; and separate from the public interest. To the Wilkes had given an instance that the peo- honour of the military gentlemen, however, ple will favour the oppressed. Yes, and it is a fact, that many officers define their Wilkes had taught administration,-caution obligations with an integrity and public spirit and prudence in comnitting violence. Wed- which would have pleased a Cato. We derburn's talents would serve on this occa- are the king's servants," say they, "but it is sion; and he advised them to a suit in chan- only while the king is the servant of the peocery. Whately, banker to the treasury, was ple." Apply this glorious principle to the accordingly ordered to file a bill in chancery case of Dr. Franklin; and the Mauduits and against Dr. Franklin, for taking away his Wedderburns are prostrated. brother's letters. This it seems effectually tied up the doctor's hands, and was undoubtedly done with that sole view. For a man cannot even defend his own reputation, when the question on which it depends is what they call, pendant before my lord chancellor. The treasury is rich enough to keep this matter pendant a long while; and an offender against administration must not expect to disobey the rules of chancery, unnoticed by the lord chancellor. This fact, at the same time that it exhibited the great wisdom and equity of administration, accounted to the public for what seemed very strange: "That while a man of Dr. Franklin's character and abilities was daily and maliciously traduced, he had not published a line in his own defence." The essays which appeared for him in the public papers, were without his participation, and without his knowledge. He had however written a full and clear account of the part he had taken in all public measures, and the motives and views on which he acted, probably with the intention of submitting it to the consideration of the world, whenever he could do it with safety. In the mean time it was the duty of his friends, to do what they could Shortly after the proceedings before the privy council, Dr. Franklin was dismissed from the office of deputy postmaster-general, which he held under the crown. It was not only by his transmission of the letters of governor Bernard and lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, that he had given offence to the British ministry, but by his popular writings in favour of America. Two pieces in particular had lately attracted a large share of public attention on both sides of the Atlantic. The one purported to be an edict from the king of Prussia, for taxing the inhabitants of Great Britain, as descendants of emigrants from his dominions. The other was entitled, "Rules for reducing a great empire to a small one;" in both of which he exposed the claims of the mother country and the proceedings of the British ministry, with the severity of poignant satire. Pending these transactions, another antagonist to Dr. Franklin's fame started up. A publication by Josiah Tucker, D. D. and dean of Gloucester, appeared, and occasioned the following correspondence; by which it 202003 will be seen, that Dr. Franklin endeavoured | honour to send to Gloucester, I have just reto obtain from the dean, an open and fair com-ceived in London, where I have resided many munication of the grounds and reasons upon weeks, and am now returning to Gloucester. which the latter had relied, in making certain On inquiry I find, that I was mistaken in charges against the former; and that he did some circumstances relating to your conduct this in the fullest confidence of being able about the stamp act, though right as to subcompletely to justify himself against them. stance. These errors shall be rectified the But Dr. Tucker most uncandidly endeavours to first opportunity. After having assured you, avoid that communication, and that discovery that I am no dealer in anonymous newspaper of the truth which it was likely to produce. paragraphs, nor have a connection with any who are, I have the honour to be, sir, your humble servant, J. TUCKER." "To Dean Tucker. "LONDON, February 12, 1774. "REVEREND SIR,-Being informed by a friend, that some severe strictures on my conduct and character had appeared in a book published under your respectable name, I purchased and read it. After thanking you for those parts of it that are so instructive on points of great importance to the common interest of mankind, permit me to complain, that if by the description you give in pages 180, 181, of a certain American patriot, whom you say you need not name, you do, as is supposed, mean myself, nothing can be further from the truth than your assertion, that I applied or used any interest directly or indirectly to be appointed one of the stamp officers for America. I certainly never expressed a wish of the kind to any person whatever, much less was I, as you say, more than ordinarily assiduous on this head.' I have heretofore seen in the newspapers, insinuations of the same import, naming me expressly; but being without the name of the writer, I took no notice of them. I know not whether they were yours, or were only your authority for your present charge. But now that they have the weight of your name and dignified character, I am more sensible of the injury; and I beg leave to request, that you would reconsider the grounds on which you have ventured to publish an accusation, that, if believed, must prejudice me extremely in the opinion of good men, especially in my own country, whence I was sent expressly to oppose the imposition of that tax. If on such reconsideration and inquiry, you find, as I am persuaded you will, that you have been imposed upon by false reports, or have too lightly given credit to hearsays in a matter that concerns another's reputation, I flatter myself that your equity will induce you to do me justice, by retracting that accusation. "To Dean Tucker. "REVEREND SIR,-I received your favour of yesterday. If the substance of what you have charged me with is right, I can have but little concern about any mistakes in the circumstances: whether they are rectified or not, will be immaterial. But knowing the substance to be wrong, and believing that you can have no desire of continuing in an error, prejudicial to any man's reputation, I am persuaded you will not take it amiss, if I request the information you have received, that I may you to communicate to me the particulars of have an opportunity of examining them; and I flatter myself, I shall be able to satisfy you that they are groundless. I propose this method as more decent than a public altercation, and suiting better the respect due to your character. "GLOUCESTER, Feb. 27. 1774. "SIR,-The request made in your last letter, is so very just and reasonable, that I shall comply with it very readily. It has long appeared to me, that you much exceeded the bounds of morality in the methods you pursued for the advancement of the supposed interests of America. If it can be proved, that have unjustly suspected you, I shall acknowledge my error, with as much satisfaction as you can have in reading my recantation of it. As to the case more immediately referred to in your letters, I was repeatedly informed, that you had solicited the late Mr. George Grenville for a place or agency in the distribution of stamps in America. From which circumstance, I myself concluded, that you had made interest for it on your own account: whereas, I am now informed, there are no positive proofs of your having solicited to obtain such a place for yourself, but there is sufficient evidence still existing of your having applied for it in favour of another per"SIR,―The letter which you did me the son. If this latter should prove to be the fact, "In confidence of this, I am with great esteem, reverend sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant, "B. FRANKLIN." "To Dr. Franklin. "MONDAY, February 21, 1774. as I am assured it will, I am willing to sup- you, and can prove to you by living evidence, pose, from several expressions in both your is a true account of the transaction in quesletters, that you will readily acknowledge, tion, which, if you compare with that you that the difference in this case between your- have been induced to give of it in your book, self and your friend, is very immaterial to the I am persuaded you will see a difference that general merits of the question. But if you is far from being a distinction above your should have distinctions in this case, which comprehension.' are above my comprehension, I shall content myself with observing, that your great abilities and happy discoveries deserve universal regard; and that as on these accounts I esteem and respect you, so I have the honour to be, sir, your very humble servant, REVEREND SIRI thank you for the frankness with which you communicated to me the particulars of the information you had received, relating to my supposed application to Mr. Grenville for a place in the American stamp office. As I deny that either your former or latter informations are true, it seems incumbent on me, for your satisfaction, to relate all the circumstances fairly to you, that could possibly give rise to such mistakes. 66 Permit me further to remark, that your expression of there being no positive proofs of my having solicited to obtain such a place for myself, implies that there are, nevertheless, some circumstantial proofs, sufficient at least to support a suspicion; the latter part, however, of the same sentence, which says, 'there are sufficient evidence still existing, of my having applied for it in favour of another person,' must, I apprehend, if credited, destroy that suspicion, and be considered as positive proof of the contrary; for, if I had interest enough with Mr. Grenville to obtain that place for another, is it likely that it would have been refused me, had I asked it for myself? 66 There is another circumstance which I would offer to your candid consideration.-You describe me as changing sides, and appearing at the bar of the house of commons to cry down the very measure I had espoused, and direct the storm that was falling upon that minister.' As this must have been after my supposed solicitation of the favour for myself or my friend, and Mr. Grenville and Mr. Whately were both in the house at the time, and both asked me questions, can it be conceived, that offended as they must have been with such a conduct in me, neither of them should put me in mind of this my sudden changing of sides, or remark it to the house, or reproach me with it, or require my reasons for it? and yet all the members then present, know that not a syllable of the kind fell from either of them, or from any of their party. "Some days after the stamp act was passed, to which I had given all the opposition I could, with Mr. Grenville, I received a note from Mr. Whately, his secretary, desiring to see me the next morning. I waited upon him accordingly, and found with him several colony agents. He acquainted us that Mr. Grenville was desirous to make the execution of the act as little inconvenient and disagreeable to America as possible; and therefore did not think of sending stamp officers from this country, but wished to have discreet and reputable persons appointed in each province from among the inhabitants, such as would be acceptable to them; for as they were to pay the tax, he thought strangers should not have the emolument. Mr. Whately therefore wished us to name for our respective colonies, informing us that Mr. Grenville would be obliged to us for pointing out to him honest and responsible men, and would pay great regard to our nominations. By this plausible and apparently candid declaration, we were drawn in to nominate; and I named for our province Mr. Hughes, saying at the same time, that I knew not whether he would accept of it, but if he did, I was sure he would execute the office faithfully. I soon after had "I desire you to believe that I take kindly, notice of his appointment. We none of us, I as I ought, your freely mentioning to me believe, foresaw or imagined that this compli- that it has long appeared to you, that I ance with the request of the minister, would much exceeded the bounds of morality in the or could have been called an application of methods I pursued for the advancement of the ours, and adduced as a proof of our approba- supposed interests of America.' I am sensition of the act we had been opposing; other-ble there is a good deal of truth in the adage wise I think few of us would have named at that our sins and our debts are always more am sure I should not. This, I assure than we take them to be; and though I can all-I "I persuade myself, that by this time you begin to suspect you may have been misled by your informers. I do not ask who they are, because I do not wish to have particular motives for disliking people, who, in general, may deserve my respect. They, too, may have drawn consequences beyond the information they received from others, and hearing the office had been given to a person of my nomination, might as naturally suppose I had solicited it; as Dr. Tucker, hearing that I had solicited it, might ‘conclude' it was for myself. |