establish something like an hereditary rank or nobility. I hold with you that it was wrong: may 1 add, that all descending honours are wrong and absurd; that the honours of vir tuous actions appertain only to him that performs them, and is in its nature incommun cable. If it were communicable by descent it must also be divisible among the descendants; and the more ancient the family, the less would be found existing in any one branch of it; to say nothing of the greater chance of unlucky interruptions.

"Our constitution seems not to be well understood with you. If the congress were a permanent body, there would be more reason in being jealous of giving it powers. But its members are chosen annually, cannot be chosen more than three years successively, nor more than three years in seven; and any of them may be recalled at any time, whenever their constituents shall be dissatisfied with their conduct. They are of the people, and return again to mix with the people, having no more durable pre-eminence than the dif ferent grains of sand in an hour glass. Such an assembly cannot easily become dangerous to liberty. They are the servants of the people, sent together to do the people's business, and promote the public welfare; their powers must be sufficient or their duties cannot be performed. They have no profitable appointinents, but a mere payment of daily wages, such as are scarcely equivalent to their expenses; so that having no chance for great places and enormous salaries or pensions, as

ficiency of natural affection? A surgeon I met with here excused the women of Paris, by saying seriously that they could not give suck, Car,' said he, ils n'ont point de tetons.' He assured me it was a fact, and bade me look at them, and observe how flat they were on the breast; they have nothing more there, said he, that I have upon the back of my hand. I have since thought that there might be some truth in his observation, and that possibly, nature, finding they made no use of bubbies, has left off giving them any. Yet, since Rousseau pleaded with admirable eloquence for the rights of children to their mother's milk, the mode has changed a little; and some ladies of quality now suckle their infants and find milk enough. May the mode descend to the lower ranks, till it becomes no longer the custom to pack their infants away as soon as born, to the enfans trouvés, with the careless observation, that the king is better able to maintain them. I am credibly informed that nine tenths of them die there pretty soon, which is said to be a great relief to the institution, whose funds would not otherwise be sufficient to bring up the remainder. Except the few persons of quality above-mentioned, and the multitude who send to the hospital, the practice is to hire nurses, in the country, to carry out the children, and take care of them. Here is an office for examining the health of nurses, and giving them licenses. They come to town on certain days of the week in companies to receive the children, and we often meet trains of them on the road returning to the neigh-in some countries, there is no canvassing or bouring villages, with each a child in arms. But those who are good enough to try this way of raising their children, are often not able to pay the expense, so that the prisons of Paris are crowded with wretched fathers and mothers confined pour mois de nourrice, though it is laudably a favourite charity to pay for them, and set such prisoners at liberty. I wish success to the new project of assisting the poor to keep their children at home, because I think there is no nurse like a mother, (or not many) and that if parents did not immediately send their infants out of their sight, they would in a few days begin to love them, and thence be spurred to greater industry for their maintenance. This is a subject you understand better than I, and therefore, having perhaps said too much, I drop it. I only add to the notes a remark from the History of the Academy of Sciences, much in favour of the foundling institution. The Philadelphia bank goes on, as I hear, very well. What you call the Cincinnati institution, is no institution of our government, but a private convention among the officers of our late army, and so universally disliked by the people, that it is supposed it will be dropped. It was considered as an attempt to

bribing for elections. I wish Old England were as happy in its government, but I do not see it. Your people, however, think their constitution the best in the world, and affect to despise ours. It is comfortable to have a good opinion of one-self, and of every thing that belongs to us; to think one's own religion, king. and wife, the best of all possible wives, kings or religions. I remember three Greenlanders, who had travelled two years in Europe, under the care of some Moravian missionaries, and had visited Germany, Denmark, Holland, and England; when I asked them at Philadelphia (where they were in their way home) whe ther, now they had seen how much more com modiously the white people lived by the help of the arts, they would not choose to remain among us? their answer was, that they were pleased with having had an opportunity of seeing so many fine things, but they chose t LIVE in their own country. Which country, by the way, consisted of rock only; for the Moravians were obliged to carry earth in their ship from New York, for the purpose of making a cabbage-garden.

"By Mr. Dollond's saying that my double spectacles can only serve particular eyes, I doubt he has not been rightly informed of their

of congress, which is in these words.

"In congress, Oct. 5, 1779. Resolved that each of the ministers plenipotentiary be allowed at the rate of two thousand five hundred pounds sterling per annum, and each of the secretaries, at the rate of one thousand pounds sterling per annum, in full for their services and expenses respectively. That the salary of each of the said officers be computed from the time of his leaving his place of abode to enter on the duties of his office, and be continued three months after notice of his recall."

By this means, as I wear my spectacles con- | you in support of that charge the resolution stantly, I have only to move my eyes up or down as I want to see distinctly far or near, the proper glasses being always ready. This I find more particularly convenient since my being in France, the glasses that serve me best at table to see what I eat, not being the best to see the faces of those on the other side of the table who speak to me; and when one's ears are not well accustomed to the sounds of a language, a sight of the movements in the features of him that speaks helps to explain; so that I understand French better by the help of my spectacles.

"The several bills I afterwards received drawn on the congress banker, Mr. Grand, for my salary, were all calculated on that sum as my salary; and neither the banker nor myself has received notice of any change resMy intended translator of your piece, the pecting me. He has accordingly, since the only one I know who understands the sub- drawing ceased, continued to pay me at the ject as well as the two languages, (which a same rate. I have indeed heard that a resotranslator ought to do, or he cannot make solution was passed last year, that the salaries good a translation,) is at present occupied in of plenipotentiaries should be no more than an affair that prevents his undertaking it; £2000 sterling per annum. But the resobut that will soon be over. I thank you for lution I suppose can relate only to such plethe notes. I should be glad to have another nipotentiaries as should be afterwards appointof the printed pamphlets. ed; for I cannot conceive that the congress, after promising a minister £2500 a year, and when he has thereby been encouraged to engage in a way of living for their honour, which only that salary can support, would think it just to diminish it a fifth, and leave him under the difficulty of reducing his expenses proportionably; a thing scarce practicable; the necessity of which he might have avoided, if he had not confided in their original promise.

"We shall always be ready to take your children if you send them to us. I only wonder, that since London draws to itself and consumes such numbers of your country people, the country should not, to supply their places, want and willingly receive the children you have to dispose of. That circumstance, together with the multitude who voluntarily part with their freedom as men, to serve for a time as lacqueys, or for life as soldiers, in consideration of small wages, seems to me proof, that your island is over-peopled. And yet it is afraid of emigrations!

"B. FRANKLIN."

"Thomas Barclay.

"PASSY, June 19, 1785.

"SIR,-With respect to my continuing to charge £2500 sterling as my salary, of which you desire some explanation, I send

"But the article of salary, with all the rest of my accounts, will be submitted to the judgment of congress, together with some other considerable articles I have not charged, but on which I shall expect from their equity some consideration; and for want of knowing precisely the intention of congress, what expenses should be deemed public, which should be defrayed by me, their banker has my order, as soon as the pleasure of congress shall be made known to him, to rectify the error,

by transferring the amount to my private ac-
count, and discharging by so much that of
the public.
B. FRANKLIN."

"To **

"PASSY, June 20, 1785.

"DEAR SIR, I have just received the only letter from you that has given me pain. It informs me of your intention to attempt passing to England in the car of a balloon. In the present imperfect state of that invention, I think it much too soon to hazard a voyage of that distance. It is said here by some of those who have had experience, that as yet they have not found means to keep up a balloon more than two hours; for that by now and then losing air to prevent rising too high and bursting; and now and then discharging ballast to avoid descending too low; these means of regulation are exhausted. Besides this, all the circumstances of danger by disappointment, in the operation of Soupape's, &c. &c. seem not to be yet well known, and therefore not easily provided against. For on Wednesday last M. Pilatre de Rosier, who had studied the subject as much as any man, lost his support in the air by the bursting of his balloon, or by some other means we are yet unacquainted with, and fell with his companion from the height of one thousand toises on the rocky coast, and was found dashed to pieces. You having lived a good life do not fear death. But pardon the anxious freedom of a friend, if he tells you the continuance of your life being of importance to your family and your country, though you might laudably hazard it for their good, you have no right to risk it for a fancy. I pray God this may reach you in time, and have some effect towards changing your design :-being ever, my dear friend, yours affectionately,

"B. FRANKLIN."

"SIR,-I have just received your friendly letter of the 20th instant. I agree with you perfectly in the opinion, that though the contest has been hurtful to both our countries, yet the event, a separation, is better even for yours than success. The reducing and keeping us in subjection by an armed force, would have cost you more than the dominion could be worth, and our slavery would have brought on yours. The ancient system of the British empire was a happy one, by which the colonies were allowed to govern and tax themselves. Had it been wisely continued, it is hard to imagine the degree of power and importance in the world that empire might have arrived at. All the means of growing

greatness, extent of territory, agriculture, commerce, arts, population, were within its own limits, and therefore at its command. I used to consider that system as a large and beautiful porcelain vase; I lamented the measures that I saw likely to break it, and strove to prevent them; because once broken I saw no probability of its being ever repaired. My endeavours did not succeed: we are broken, and the parts must now do as well as they can for themselves. We may still do well, though separated. I have great hopes of our side, and good wishes for yours. The anarchy and confusion you mention, as supposed to prevail among us, exist only in your newspapers. I have authentic accounts, which assure me that no people were ever better governed, or more content with their respective constitutions and governments than the present thirteen states of America. A little reflection may convince any reasonable man, that a government wherein the administrators are chosen annually, by the free voice of the governed, and may also be recalled at any time if their conduct displeases their constituents, cannot be a tyrannical one, as your loyalists represent it; who at the same time, inconsistently desire to return and live under it. And among there must always be too numerous and too an intelligent enlightened people as ours is, strong a party for supporting good government and the laws, to suffer what is called anarchy. This better account of our situation must be pleasing to your humanity, and therefore I give it you.

which

specting the loyalists (as they call themselves) "But we differ a little in our sentiments reand the conduct of America towards them, you think 'seems actuated by a spirit of revenge; and that it would have been more agreeable to policy as well as justice to have restored their estates, upon their taking the oaths of allegiance to the new governments.' That there should still be some resentment against them in the breasts of those who have had their houses, farms, and towns so lately destroyed, and relations scalped under the conduct of these royalists, is not wonderful; though I believe the opposition given by many to their re-establishment among us is owing to a firm persuasion, that there could be no reliance on their oaths; and that the effect of receiving those people again, would be an introduction of that very anarchy and confusion they falsely reproach us with. Even the example you propose of the English commonwealth's restoring the estates of the royalists after their being subdued, seems rather to countenance and encourage our acting differently, as probably if the power, which always accompanies property, had not been restored to the royalists; if their estates had remained confiscated, and their persons had been banished, they could not have so much contributed

cations.

dangered by success in the attempt against ours; and therefore a great man in your parliament did not scruple to declare, he rejoiced that America had resisted. I, for the same reason, may add this very resistance to the other instances of their loyalty. I have al

ward those Americans who joined your troops in the war against their own country: but if ever honesty could be inconsistent with policy, it is so in this instance.

"B. FRANKLIN."

“David Hartley.

"PASSY, July 5, 1785.

"B. FRANKLIN." In his 80th year.

"Granville Sharp.

"PASSY, July 5, 1785.

to the restoration of kingly power, and the new government of the republic might have been more durable. The majority of examples in your history are on the other side of the question. All the estates in England and south of Scotland, and most of those possess ed by the descendants of the English in Ire-ready said that I think it just you should reland, are held from ancient confiscations made of the estates of Caledonians, and Britons, the original possessors in your island, or the native Irish, in the last century only. It is but a few months since, that your parliament has, in a few instances, given up confiscations incurred by a rebellion suppressed forty years ago. The war against us was begun by a general act of parliament declaring all our estates confiscated, and probably one great motive to the loyalty of the royal-out taking leave of my ever dear friend Mr. "I CANNOT quit the coasts of Europe withists was the hope of sharing in these confis- Hartley. We were long fellow-labourers in They have played a deep game, the best of all works, the work of peace. I staking their estates against ours; and they leave you still in the field, but having finishhave been unsuccessful. But it is a surer my day's task, I am going home to go to bed. game, since they had promises to rely on from Wish me a good night's rest, as I do you a your government of indemnification in case pleasant evening. Adieu! and believe me of loss; and I see your parliament is about to ever, yours most affectionately. fulfil those promises. To this I have no objection, because though still our enemies, they are men; they are in necessity; and I think even an hired assassin has a right to his pay from his employer: it seems too more reasonable that the expense of paying these should fall upon the government who encouraged the mischief done, rather than upon us who suffered it; the confiscated estates making amends but for a small part of that mischief: it is not therefore clear that our retaining them is chargeable with injustice. I have hinted above, that the name loyalists was improperly assumed by these people. Royalists they may perhaps be called. But the true loyalists were the people of America against whom they acted. No people were ever known more truly loyal, and universally so, to their sovereigns: the protestant succession in the house of Hanover was their idol. Not a jacobite was to be found from one end of the colonies to the other. They were affectionate to the people of England, zealous and forward to assist in her wars, by voluntarily contributions of men and money, even beyond their proportion. The king and parliament had frequently acknowledged this by public messages, resolutions, and reimbursements. But they were equally fond of what they esteemed their rights, and if they resisted when those were attacked, it was a resistance in favour of a British constitution, which every Englishman might share in enjoying who should "I like your piece on the election of bishops. come to live among them: it was resisting There is a fact in Hollingshead's Chronicle, arbitrary impositions that were contrary to the latter part relating to Scotland, which common right and to their fundamental con- shows, if my memory does not deceive me, stitutions, and to constant ancient usage. It that the first bishop in that country was electwas indeed a resistance in favour of the liber-ed by the clergy: I mentioned it some time ties of England, which might have been en- past in a letter to two young men, who askVOL. I... F

50*

"DEAR SIR,-I received the books you were so kind as to send me by Mr. Drown. Please to accept my hearty thanks. Your writings, which always have some public good for their object, I always read with pleasure. I am perfectly of your opinion with respect to the salutary law of gavelkind, and hope it may in time be established throughout America. In six of the states already the lands of the intestates are divided equally among the children if all girls; but there is a double share given to the eldest son, for which I see no more reason than in giving such share to the eldest daughter; and think there should be no distinction. Since my being last in France, I have seen several of our eldest sons, spending idly their fortunes by residing in Europe, and neglecting their own country; these are from the southern states. The northern young men stay at home, and are industrious useful citizens; the more equal division of their fathers' fortunes not enabling them to ramble and spend their shares abroad, which is so much the better for their country.

ed my advice about obtaining ordination, ed to my country. Mr. Jefferson had reco

"DEAR SIR,-I am just arrived from a country where the reputation of general Washington runs very high, and where every body wishes to see him in person; but being told that it is not likely he will favour them with a visit, they hope at least for a sight of his perfect resemblance, by means of their principal statuary, Mr. Houdon, whom Mr. Jefferson and myself agreed with to come over for the purpose of taking a bust, in order to "John Jay, Minister of Foreign Affairs. make the intended statue for the state of Virginia. He is here, but the materials and instruments he sent down the Seine from Paris not being arrived at Havre when we sailed,