power to do his country any farther service. | Boston, when I hope to have the pleasure of I speak this now, not upon my own account, paying my respects to you. I shall then give being about to decline all public business, but every information in my power, and offer for your consideration with regard to future every advice relating to our affairs, (not so agents. convenient to be written) that my situation here for so many years may enable me to suggest for the benefit of our country. Some time before my departure, I shall put your papers into the hands of Mr. Lee, and assist him with my counsel while I stay, where there may be any occasion for it. He is a gentleman of parts and ability, and though he cannot exceed me in sincere zeal for the interest and prosperity of the province, his youth will easily enable him to serve it with more activity. B. FRANKLIN." "And now we speak of agents, I must mention my concern that I should fall under so severe a censure of the house, as that of neglect in their business. I have submitted to the reproof without reply in my public letter, out of pure respect. It is not decent to dispute a father's admonitions. But to you in private, permit me to observe, that as to the two things I am blamed for not giving the earliest notice of, viz. the clause in the act relating to dock yards, and the appointment of salaries for the governor and judges; the first only seems to have some foundation. I did not know, but perhaps I ought to have known, that such a clause was intended. And yet in a parliament, that during the whole session refused admission to strangers, wherein near two hundred acts were passed, it is not so easy a matter to come at the knowledge of every clause in every act, and to give opposition to what may affect one's constituents; especially when it is not uncommon to smuggle clauses into a bill whose title shall give no suspicion, when an opposition to such clauses is apprehended. I say this is no easy matter. But had I known of this clause, it is not likely I could have prevented its passing in the present disposition of government towards America, nor do I see that my giving earlier notice of its having passed could have been of much service. As to the other, concerning the governor and judges, I should hardly have thought of sending the house an account of it, if the minister had mentioned it to me, as I understood from their first letter to me, that they had already the best intelligence "of its being determined by administration to bestow large salaries on the attorney-general, judges, and governor of the province." I could not therefore possibly "give the first notice of this impending evil." Ianswered however "that there was no doubt of the intention of making governors, and some other officers, independent of the people for their support, and that this purpose will be persisted in, if the American revenue is found sufficient to defray the salaries." This censure, though grievous, does not so much surprise me, as I apprehended all along from the beginning, that between the friends of an old agent, my predecessor, who thought himself hardly used in his dismission, and those of a young one impatient for the succession, my situation was likely to be a very comfortable one, as my faults could scarce pass unobserved. "I think of leaving England in September. As soon as possible after my arrival in America, I purpose (God willing) to visit 66 To the same. "LONDON, July 7, 1773. SIR,-The parliament is at length prorogued, without meddling with the state of America. Their time was much employed in the East India business: and perhaps it was not thought prudent to lay before them the advices from New England, though some threatening intimations had been given of such an intention. The king's firm answer (as it is called) to our petitions, and remonstrances, has probably been judged sufficient for the present, I forwarded that answer to you by the last packet, and sent a copy of it by a Boston ship the beginning of last month. Therein we are told that his majesty has well weighed the subject matter, and the expressions contained in those petitions; and that as he will ever attend to the humble petitions of his subjects, and be forward to redress every real grievance, so he is determined to support the constitution, and resist with firmness every attempt to derogate from the authority of the supreme legislature.' "By this it seems that some exception is taken to the expressions of the petitions, as not sufficiently humble, that the grievances complained of are not thought real grievances, that parliament is deemed the supreme legis lature, and its authority over the colonies supposed to be the constitution. Indeed the last idea is expressed more fully in the next paragraph, where the words of the act are used, declaring the right of the crown, with the advice of parliament, to make laws of sufficient force and validity to bind its subjects in America in all cases whatsoever. "When one considers the king's situation, surrounded by ministers, counsellors, and judges, learned in the law, who are all of this opinion, and reflect how necessary it is for him to be well with his parliament, from whose yearly grants his fleets and armies are to be supported, and the deficiencies of his civil list supplied, it is not to be wondered at, that he should be firm in an opinion establish to conclude that similar effects will probably be produced by similar circumstances. "But as the strength of an empire depends not only on the union of its parts, but on their readiness for united exertion of their common force; and as the discussion of rights may ed, as far as an act of parliament could establish it, by even the friends of America at the time they repealed the stamp act; and which is so generally thought right, by his lords and commons, that any act of his, countenancing the contrary, would hazard his embroiling himself with those powerful bodies. And seem unseasonable in the commencement from hence it seems hardly to be expected from him, that he should take any step of that kind. The grievous instructions indeed might be withdrawn without their observing it, if his majesty thought fit so to do; but under the present prejudices of all about him, it seems that this is not yet likely to be advised. 66 The question then arises, how are we to obtain redress! If we look back into the parliamentary history of this country, we shall find, that in similar situations of the subjects here, redress would seldom be obtained but by withholding aids when the sovereign was in distress, till the grievances were removed. Hence the rooted custom of the commons to keep money bills in their own disposition, not suffering even the lords to meddle in grants, either as to quantity, manner of raising, or even in the smallest circumstance. This country pretends to be collectively our sovereign. It is now deeply in debt. Its funds are far short of recovering their par since the last war: another would distress it still more. Its people diminish, as well as its credit. Men will be wanted as well as money. The colonies are rapidly increasing in wealth and numbers. In the last war they maintained an army of twenty-five thousand. A country able to do that, is no contemptible ally. In another war they may perhaps do twice as much with equal ease. Whenever a war happens our aid will be wished for, our friendship desired and cultivated, our good will courted: then is the time to say, redress our grievances. You take money from us by force, and now you ask it of voluntary grant. You cannot have it both ways. If you choose to have it without our consent, you must go on taking it that way, and be content with what little you can so obtain. If you would have our free gifts, desist from your compulsive methods, and acknowledge our rights, and secure our future enjoyment of them. Our claims will then be attended to, and our complaints regarded. By what I perceived not long since, when a war was apprehended with Spain, the different countenance put on by some great men here, towards those who were thought to have a little influence in America, and the language, that began to be held with regard to the then minister for the colonies, I am confident that if that war had taken place he would have been immediately dismissed, all his measures reversed, and every step taken to recover our affection and procure our assistance. Thence I think it fair of actual war, and the delay it might occasion be prejudicial to the common welfare: as likewise the refusal of one or a few colonies, would not be so much regarded if the others granted liberally, which perhaps by various artifices and motives they might be prevailed on to do; and as this want of concert would defeat the expectation of general redress that otherwise might be justly formed; perhaps it would be best and fairest, for the colonies in a general congress now in peace to be as sembled, or by means of the correspondence lately proposed, after a full and solemn assertion and declaration of their rights, to engage firmly with each other, that they will never grant aids to the crown in any general war, till those rights are recognized by the king and both houses of parliament; communicating at the same time to the crown this their resolution. Such a step I imagine will bring the dispute to a crisis: and whether our demands are immediately complied with, or compulsory measures thought of to make us rescind them, our ends will finally be ob tained, for even the odium accompanying such compulsory attempts will contribute to unite and strengthen us, and in the mean time all the world will allow that our proceeding has been honourable. "No one doubts the advantage of a strict union between the mother-country and the colonies, if it may be obtained and preserved on equitable terms. In every fair connexion each party should find its own interest. Br tain will find hers in our joining with her in every war she makes, to the greater annoyance and terror of her enemies; in our em ployment of her manufactures, and enriching her merchants by our commerce; and her government will feel some additional strengthening of its hands, by the disposition of our profitable posts and places. On our side, we have to expect the protection she can afford us, and the advantage of a common umpire in our disputes, thereby preventing wars we might otherwise have with each other, so that we can without interruption go on with our improvements, and increase our numbers. We ask no more of her, and she should not think of forcing more from us. By the exercise of prudent moderation on her part, mixed with a little kindness; and by a decent behaviour on ours, excusing where we can excuse from a consideration of circumstances, and bearing a little with the infirmities of her government, as we would with those of an aged parent, though firmly asserting our privileges, and declaring that we mean at a proper time to vindicate them, this advantageous union may still be long continued. We wish it, and we may endeavour it, but God will order it as to his wisdom shall seem most suitable. The friends of liberty here wish we may long preserve it on our side the water, that they may find it there, if adverse events should destroy it here. They are therefore anxious and afraid lest we should hazard it by premature attempts in its favour. They think we may risk much by violent measures, and that the risk is unnecessary, since a little time must infallibly bring us all we demand or desire, and bring it us in peace and safety. I do not presume to advise. There are many wiser men among you, and I hope you will be directed by a still superior wisdom. With regard to the sentiments of people in general here, concerning America, I must say, that we have among them many friends, and well-wishers. The dissenters are all for s, and many of the merchants and manufacturers. There seems to be, even among the Country gentlemen, a general sense of our rowing importance, a disapprobation of the arsh measures with which we have been reated, and a wish that some means may be bund of perfect reconciliation. A few memers of parliament in both houses, and perhaps some in high office, have in a degree the same deas, but none of these seem willing as yet o be active in our favour, lest adversaries hould take advantage and charge it upon hem as a betraying the interests of this naion. In this state of things no endeavour of nine or our other friends here to obtain a epeal of the acts so oppressive to the colofists, or the orders of the crown so destructive of the charter rights of our province in particular, can expect a sudden success.' By degrees, and a judicious improvement of events, we may work a change in minds and meaures, but otherwise such great alterations re hardly to be looked for. "I am thankful to the house for their kind attention, in repeating their grant to me for six hundred pounds. Whether the instruction festraining the governor's assent is withdrawn or not, or is likely to be, I cannot tell, having never solicited or even once mentioned it to lord Dartmouth, being resolved to owe no obligation to the favour of any minister. If from a sense of right, that instruction should be recalled, and the general principle on which it was founded is given up, all will be very well: but you can never think it worth while to employ an agent here, if his being paid or not is to depend on the breath of a minister, and I should think it a situation too suspicious, and therefore too dishonourable for me to remain in a single hour. Living frugally, I am under no immediate necessity, and if I serve my constituents faithfully, though it should be unsuccessfully, I am confident they will always have it in their inclination, and some time or other in their power, to make their grants effectual. 66 "A gentleman of our province, captain Calef, is come hither as an agent for some of the eastern townships, to obtain a confirmation of their lands. Sir Francis Bernard seems inclined to make use of this person's application for promoting a separation of that country from your province, and making it a distinct government; to which purpose he prepared a draft of a memorial for Calef to present, setting forth not only the hardship of being without security in the property of their improvements, but also of the distress of the people there for want of government; that they were at too great a distance from the seat of government in the Massachusetts, to be capable of receiving the benefits of government from thence, and expressing their willingness to be separated and formed into a new province, &c. With this draft sir Francis and Mr. Calef came to me to have my opinion. I read it, and observed to them, that though I wished the people quieted in their possessions, and would do any thing I could to assist in obtaining the assurance of their property, yet as I knew the province of Massachusetts had a right to that country, of which they were justly tenacious, I must oppose that part of the memorial, if it should be presented. Sir Francis allowed the right, but proposed that a great tract of land between Merrimack and Connecticut rivers, which had been allotted to New Hampshire, might be restored to our province, by order of the crown, as a compensation. This he said would be of more value to us than that eastern country, as being nearer home, &c. I said I would mention it in my letters, but must in the mean time oppose any step taken in the affair before the sentiments of the general court should be known, as to such an exchange, if it were offered. Mr. Calef himself did not seem fond of the draft, and I have not seen him, or heard any thing farther of it since, but I shall watch it. "Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to the house, and believe me with sincere and great esteem, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, council and assembly on the other hand have, by the coolness, clearness, and force of their answers, gained great reputation. "The unanimity of our towns, in their sentiments of liberty, gives me great pleasure, as the public spirit of its ancient clergy, who joined with the barons in obtaining Magna Charta, and joined heartily in forming the curses of excommunication against the infringers of it. There is no doubt but the claim of parliament, of authority to make laws bind-it shows the generally enlightened state of ing on the colonies in all cases whatsoever, our people's minds, and the falsehood of the includes an authority to change our religious opinion, much cultivated here by the partizans constitution, and establish popery or Mahom- of arbitrary power in America, that only a edanism, if they please, in its stead; but, as small faction among us were discontented you intimate, power does not infer right; and with the late measures. If that unanimity as the right is nothing, and the power (by can be discovered in all the colonies, it will our increase) continually diminishing, the one give much greater weight to our future rewill soon be as insignificant as the other. You monstrances. I heartily wish with you, that seem only to have made a small mistake, in some line could be drawn, some bill of rights supposing they modestly avoided to declare established for America, that might secure they had a right, the words of the act being, peace between the two countries, so neces'that they have and of right ought to have sary for the prosperity of both. But I think full power, &c.' little attention is like to be afforded by our ministers to that salutary work, till the breach becomes greater and more alarming, and then the difficulty of repairing it will be greater in a tenfold proportion. "Your suspicion that sundry others besides governor Bernard had written hither their opinions and councils, encouraging the late measures to the prejudice of our country, which have been too much heeded and followed,' is, I apprehend, but too well founded. You call them 'traitorous individuals,' whence I collect, that you suppose them of our own country. There was among the twelve Apostles one traitor, who betrayed with a kiss. It should be no wonder therefore, if among so many thousand true patriots, as New England contains, there should be found even twelve Judases, ready to betray their country for a few paltry pieces of silver. Their ends as well as their views ought to be similar. But all the oppressions evidently work for our good. Providence seems by every means intent on making us a great people. May our virtues public and private grow with us, and be durable, that liberty, civil and religious, may be secured to our posterity, and to all from every part of the old world that take refuge among us. "With great esteem, and my best wishes for a long continuance of your usefulness, I am, reverend sir, your most obedient humble B. FRANKLIN." servant, "You mention the surprise of a gentleman to whom those letters have been communicated, at the restrictions with which they were accompanied, and which they suppose render them incapable of answering any important end. One great reason of forbidding their publication, was an apprehension that it might put all the possessors of such correspondence here upon their guard, and so prevent the obtaining more of it. And it was imagined that showing the originals to so many as were named, and to a few such others as they might think fit, would be sufficient to establish the authenticity, and to spread through the province so just an estimation of the writers, as to strip them of all their deluded friends, and demolish effectually their interest and influence. The letters might be shown even to some of the governor's and lieutenant-governor's partizans, and spoken of to every body; for there was no restraint proposed to talking of them, but only to copying. However the terms given with them could only be those with which they were received. "The great defect here is in all sorts of people a want of attention to what passes in such remote countries as America, an unwillingness to read any thing about them if it appears a little lengthy; and a disposition to postpone the consideration even of the things they know they must at last consider, that so they may have time for what more immediately concerns them, and withal enjoy their amusements, and be undisturbed in the universal dissipation. In other respects, though some of the great regard us with a jealous eye, and some are angry with us, the majority of the nation rather wish us well, and have no desire to infringe our liberties. And many console themselves under the apprehension of declining liberty here, that they or their pos terity shall be able to find her safe and vigorous in America. "With sincere and great esteem, I am, &c. "B. FRANKLIN." "Governor Franklin. "LONDON, July 14, 1773. cases a great share of what his friends call firmness. Yet by some pains-taking and proper management, the wrong impressions he has received may be removed, which is perhaps the only chance America has for obtaining soon the redress she aims at. This entirely to yourself. "And now we are among great folks, let me tell you a little of lord Hillsborough. I “DEAR SON,—I am glad to find by yours went down to Oxford with and at the instance of May 4, that you have been able to assist of lord Le Despencer, who is on all occasions Josiah Davenport a little; but vexed that he very good to me, and seems of late very deand you should think of putting me upon a sirous of my company. Mr. Todd too was solicitation which it is impossible for me to there, who has some attachment to lord H., engage in. I am not upon terms with lord and in a walk we were taking, told me as a North to ask any such favour from him. Dis- secret that lord H. was much chagrined at pleased with something he said relating to being out of place, and could never forgive America, I have never been at his levees, me for writing that pamphlet against his resince the first. Perhaps he has taken that port about the Ohio. I assured him, says amiss. For last week we met occasionally at Mr. T., that I knew you did not write it; and lord Le Despencer's in our return from Ox- the consequence is, that he thinks I know the ford, where I had been to attend the solemnity contrary, and wanted to impose upon him in of his installation, and he seemed studiously your favour; and so I find he is now disto avoid speaking to me. I ought to be asham- pleased with me, and for no other cause in ed to say, that on such occasions I feel my- the world. His friend Bamber Gascoign too, self to be as proud as any body. His lady indeed says that they well know it was written by was more gracious. She came and sat down Dr. F., who was one of the most mischievous by me on the same sopha, and condescended men in England. That same day lord H. to enter into a conversation with me agreea- called upon lord Le D., whose chamber and bly enough, as if to make some amends. Their mine were together in Queen's college. I son and daughter were with them. They was in the inner room shifting, and heard his staid all night, so that we dined, supped, and voice, but did not see him, as he went down breakfasted together, without exchanging stairs immediately with lord Le D., who menthree sentences. But had he ever so great a tioning that I was above, he returned directly, regard for me, I could not ask that office, and came to me in the pleasantest manner trifling as it is, for any relation of mine. And imaginable. "Dr. F." said he, “I did not detesting as I do the whole system of American know till this minute that you were here, and customs, believing they will one day bring on I am come back to make you my bow. I am a breach, through the indiscretion and inso- glad to see you at Oxford, and that you look lence of those concerned in the collection, I so well, &c." In return for this extravagance, should never wish to see one so near to me in I complimented him on his son's performance that business. If you think him capable of in the theatre, though indeed it was but inacting as deputy secretary, I imagine you different, so that account was settled. For as might easily obtain that for him of Mr. Mor- people say, when they are angry, if he strike gan. He has lately been with me, is always me, I'll strike him again; I think sometimes it very complaisant, and understanding I was may be right to say, if he flatters me, I'll about returning to America, requested my in-flatter him again. This is lex talionis, reterest to obtain for him the agency for your province. His friend, sir Watkin Lewes, who was formerly candidate for the same great place, is now high sheriff of London, and in the way of being lord mayor. The new sheriffs elect, are (could you think it?) both Americans, viz. Mr. Sayre, the New Yorker, and Mr. W. Lee, brother to Dr. Lee. I am glad you stand so well with lord Dartmouth. I am likewise well with him, but he never spoke to me of augmenting your salary. He is truly a good man, and wishes sincerely a good understanding with the colonies, but does not seem to have strength equal to his wishes. Between you and me, the late measures have been, I suspect, very much the king's own, and he has in some VOL. 1.... 20 25 turning offences in kind. His son, however, (lord Fairford) is a valuable young man, and his daughters, ladies Mary and Charlotte, most amiable young women. My quarrel is only with him, who of all the men I ever met with is surely the most unequal in his treatment of people, the most insincere, and the most wrongheaded; witness besides his various behaviour to me, his duplicity in encouraging us to ask for more land, ask for enough to make a province, (when we at first asked only for two millions five hundred thousand acres,) were his words, pretending to befriend our application, then doing every thing to defeat it, and reconciling the first to the last, by saying to a friend, that he meant to defeat it from the beginning; and that his putting us |