SOCIAL AND FAMILIAR CORRESPONDENCE. by the king's subjects on both sides the Atlantic?' "A. I do not see how that method can be deemed repugnant to the rights of the crown. If the Americans are put into their former situation, it must be by an act of parliament; in the passing of which by the king, the rights of the crown are exercised, not infringed. It is indifferent to the crown whether the aids received from America are granted by parliament here, or by the assemblies there, provided the quantum be the same; and it is my opinion, that more will be generally granted there voluntarily, than can ever be exacted or collected from thence by authority of parliament. As to the rights of fellow-subjects (I suppose you mean the people of Britain) I cannot conceive how those will be infringed by that method. They will still enjoy the right of granting their own money, and may still, if it pleases them, keep up their claim to the right of granting ours; a right they can never exercise properly, for want of a sufficient knowledge of us, our circumstances and abilities (to say nothing of the little likelihood there is that we should ever submit to it) therefore a right that can be of no good use to them; and we shall continue to enjoy in fact the right of granting our money, with the opinion, now universally prevailing among us, that we are free subjects of the king, and that fellow-subjects of one part of his dominions are not sovereigns over fellow-subjects in any other part. If the subjects on the different sides of the Atlantic have different and opposite ideas of "justice and propriety," no one "method" can possibly be consistent with both. The best will be, to let each enjoy their own opinions, without disturbing them, when they do not interfere with the common good. 6th. And if this method were actually allowed, do you not think it would encourage the violent and factious part of the colonists, to aim at still farther concessions from the mother country?' "A. I do not think it would. There may be a few among them that deserve the name of factious and violent, as there are in all countries; but these would have little influence, if the great majority of sober reasonable people were satisfied. 275 groundless. I therefore think, that on a total "A. I imagine, that repealing the offensive duties in part will answer no end to this country: the commerce will remain obstructed, and the Americans go on with their schemes offrugality, industry, and manufactures, to their own great advantage. How much they may tend to the prejudice of Britain, I cannot say; perhaps not so much as some apprehend, since she may in time find new markets. But I think, if the union of the two countries continues to subsist, it will not hurt the general interest; for whatever wealth Britain loses by the failing of its trade with the colonies, America will gain; and the crown will receive equal aids from its subjects upon the whole, if not greater. "And now I have answered your questions, as to what may be, in my opinion, the consequences of this or that supposed measure, I will go a little farther, and tell you, what I fear is No. 360. *The opposition [to lord Rockingham's adminisIf any colony should hap-tration"] says lord Chesterfield, "are for taking vigornot less than les dragonades; and to have the tax collectpen to think, that some of your regulations of ous, as they call them, but I call them violent measures; trade are inconvenient to the general interests ed by the troops we have there. For my part, I never saw of the empire, or prejudicial to them without a froward child mended by whipping: and I would "It is a certain maxim," pleads Mr. Burke, "that being beneficial to you, they will state these not have the mother become a step mother." Letter, the fewer causes of dissatisfaction are left by governmatters to parliament in petitions as heretofore; but will, I believe, take no violent steps ment, the more the subject will be disinclined to resist Nor do I apprehend the destructo obtain what they may hope for in time from and rebel!" "I confess I do not feel the least alarm the wisdom of government here. I know of from the discontents which are to arise from putting nothing else they can have in view: the notion of this empire, from giving, by an act of free grace tion that prevails here, of their being desirous and indulgence, to two millions of my fellow-citizens, been taught to value myself." Burke's Speeches in to set up a kingdom or commonwealth of their some share of those rights, upon which I have always own, is to my certain knowledge entirely 1774 and 1775. people at their ease. more than it did in theirs.-I hope, however, “M. Dubourg,* Paris. LONDON, October 2, 1770. more likely to come to pass in reality. I apprehend, that the ministry, at least the American part of it, being fully persuaded of the right of parliament, think it ought to be enforced, whatever may be the consequences; and at the same time do not believe, there is even now any abatement of the trade between the two countries on account of these disputes; or, that if there is, it is small, and cannot long continue. They are assured by the crownofficers in America, that manufactures are impossible there; that the discontented are few, and persons of little consequence; that almost "I SEE with pleasure, that we think pretty all the people of property and importance are much alike on the subjects of English Amesatisfied, and disposed to submit quietly to the rica. We of the colonies have never insisted taxing power of parliament; and that if the that we ought to be exempt from contributing revenue-acts are continued, and those duties to the common expenses necessary to support only that are called anti-commercial be re- the prosperity of the empire. We only assert, pealed, and others perhaps laid in their stead, that having parliaments of our own, and not the power ere long will be patiently submit- having representatives in that of Great Britain, ted to, and the agreements not to import be our parliaments are the only judges of what broken, when they are found to produce no we can and what we ought to contribute in change of measures here. From these and this case; and that the English parliament has similar misinformations, which seem to be no right to take our money without our consent. credited, I think it likely, that no thorough re- In fact, the British empire is not a single state, dress of grievances will be afforded to Ameri- it comprehends many; and though the parlia ca this session. This may inflame matters ment of Great Britain has arrogated to itself still more in that country; farther rash mea- the power of taxing the colonies, it has no sures there may create more resentment here, more right to do so, than it has to tax Hanthat may produce not merely ill-advised dis-over. We have the same king, but not the solutions of their assemblies, as last year, but same legislatures. attempts to dissolve their constitution;* more troops may be sent over, which will create more uneasiness; to justify the measures of government, your writers will revile the Americans in your newspapers, as they have already begun to do, treating them as miscreants, rogues, dastards, rebels, &c. to alienate the minds of the people here from them, and which will tend farther to diminish their affections to this country. Possibly, too, some of their warm patriots may be distracted enough to expose themselves by some mad action to be sent for hither, and government here may be indiscreet enough to hang them, on the act of Henry VIII.+ Mutual provocations will thus go on to complete the separation; and instead of that cordial affection, that once and so long existed, and that harmony, so suitable to the circumstances, and so necessary to the happiness, strength, safety, and welfare of both countries, an implacable malice and mutual hatred, such as we now see subsisting between the Spaniards and Portuguese, the Genoese and Corsicans, from the same original misconduct in the superior governments, will take place: the sameness of nation, the similarity of religion, manners, and language, not in the least preventing in our case, *This was afterwards attempted by the British legislature, in the case of the province of Massachusett's Bay. The lords and commons very prudently concurred in an address for this purpose, and the king very graciously assured them of his compliance with their wishes. "The dispute between the two countries has already lost England many millions sterling, which it has lost in its commerce, and America has in this respect been a proportionable gainer. This commerce consisted principally of superfluities; objects of luxury and fashion, which we can well do without; and the resolution we have formed of importing no more till our grievances are redressed, has enabled many of our infant manufactures to take root; and it will not be easy to make our people abandon them in future, even should a connexion more cordial than ever succeed the present troubles. I have indeed, no doubt that the parliament of England will finally abandon its present pretensions, and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of our rights and privileges. B. FRANKLIN.” "Governor Franklin. "LONDON, August 17, 1772 "DEAR SON,-At length we have got rid of lord Hillsborough, and lord Dartmouth takes his place, to the great satisfaction of all the friends of America. You will hear it said among you (I suppose) that the interest of the Ohio planters has ousted him, but the truth is, what I wrote you long since, that all his brother ministers disliked him extremely, and * Translator of Dr. Franklin's Philosophical Works, into French. wished for a fair occasion of tripping up his | a week each, I made two more visits, and reheels; so seeing that he made a point of de- ceived the same answer. The last time was feating our scheme, they made another of sup- on a levee day, when a number of carriages porting it, on purpose to mortify him, which were at his door. My coachman driving up, they knew his pride could not bear. I do not alighted and was opening the coach door, mean they would have done this if they had when the porter, seeing me, came out, and thought our proposal bad in itself, or his op- surlily chid the coachman for opening the position well founded; but I believe if he had door before he had inquired whether my lord been on good terms with them, they would was at home; and then turning to me, said, not have differed with him for so small a mat-"My lord is not at home." I have never ter. The king too was tired of him and of his administration, which had weakened the affection and respect of the colonies for a royal government, with which (I may say it to you) used proper means from time to time that his majesty should have due information and convincing proofs. More of this when I see you. The king's dislike made the others more firmly united in the resolution of disgracing H., by setting at nought his famous report. But now that business is done, perhaps our affair may be less regarded in the cabinet and suffered to linger, and possibly may yet miscarry. Therefore let us beware of every word and action, that may betray a confidence in its success, lest we render ourselves ridiculous in case of disappointment. We are now pushing for a completion of the business, but the time is unfavourable, every body gone or going into the country, which gives room for accidents. since been nigh him, and we have only abused one another at a distance. The contrast, as you observe, is very striking between his conversation with the chief justice, and his letter to you concerning your province. I know him to be as double and deceitful as any man I ever met with. But we have done with him, I hope, for ever. His removal has I believe been meditated ever since the death of the princess dowager. For I recollect, that on my complaining of him about that time to a friend at court, whom you may guess, he told me, we Americans were represented by Hillsborough as an unquiet people, not easily satisfied with any ministry, that however it was thought too much occasion had been given us to dislike the present: and asked me, whether, if he should be removed I could name another likely to be more acceptable to us. I said, yes, there is lord Dartmouth: we liked him very well when he was "I am writing by Falconer, and therefore at the head of the board formerly, and probain this only add that I am ever your affection-bly should like him again. This I heard no ate father, more of, but I am pretty sure it was reported where I could wish it, though I know not that it had any effect. B. FRANKLIN. "P. S. The regard lord Dartmouth has always done me the honour to express for me, gives me room to hope being able to obtain more in favour of our colonies upon occasion, than I could for some time past." 66 DEAR SON,-I received yours of June 30. I am vexed that my letter to you, written at Glasgow, miscarried; not so much that you did not receive it, as that it is probably in other hands. It contained some accounts of what passed in Ireland, which were for you only. "As lord Hillsborough in fact got nothing out of me, I should rather suppose he threw me away as an orange that would yield no juice, and therefore not worth more squeezing. When I had been a little while returned to London, I waited on him to thank him for his civilities in Ireland, and to discourse with him on a Georgia affair. The porter told me he was not at home. I left my card, went another time, and received the same answer, though I knew he was at home, a friend of mine being with him. After intermissions of "As to my situation here, nothing can be more agreeable, especially as I hope for less embarrassment from the new minister. A general respect paid me by the learned, a number of friends and acquaintance among them with whom I have a pleasing intercourse; a character of so much weight that it has protected me when some in power would have done me injury, and continued me in an office they would have deprived me of; my company is so much desired that I seldom dine at home in winter, and could spend the whole summer in the country houses of inviting friends if I chose it. Learned and ingenious foreigners that come to England, almost all make a point of visiting me, for my reputation is still higher abroad than here; several of the foreign ambassadors have assiduously cultivated my acquaintance, treating me as one of their corps, partly I believe from the desire they have from time to time of hearing something of American affairs, an object become of importance in foreign courts, who begin to hope Britain's alarming power will be diminished by the defection of her colonies; and partly that they may have an opportunity of introducing me to the gentlemen of their country who desire it. The king too has He has heretofore expressed some personal regard for me, and I hope now to find our business with the board more easy to transact. lately been heard to speak of me with great mouth succeeds him, who has much more faregard. These are flattering circumstances, vourable dispositions towards the colonies. but a violent longing for home sometimes seizes me, which I can no otherways subdue but by promising myself a return next spring or next fall, and so forth. As to returning hither, if I once go back I have no thoughts of it. I am too far advanced in life to propose three voyages more. I have some important affairs to settle at home, and considering my double expenses here and there, I hardly think my salaries fully compensate the disadvantages. The late change however being thrown into the balance determines me to stay another winter. "Your observations on the state of the Islands did not come to hand till after lord Rochford had withdrawn his petition. His lordship and the promoters of it were so roasted on the occasion, that I believe another of the kind will not very soon be thought of. The proprietor was at the expense of the opposition, and as I knew it would not be necessary, and thought it might be inconvenient to our affairs, I did not openly engage in it, but I "P. S. August 22. I find I omitted con- gave some private assistance that I believe gratulating you on the honour of your elec- was not without effect; I think too that Mr. tion into the Society for propagating the Gos- Jackson's opinion was of great service. I pel. There you match indeed my Dutch would lodge a copy of your paper in the planthonour. But you are again behind, for last ation office against any similar future applicanight I received a letter from Paris of which tions if you approve of it. I only think the the inclosed is an extract, acquainting me Island holders make too great a concession to that I am chosen Associe etranger (foreign the crown, when they suppose it may have a member) of the Royal Academy there. There right to quit-rent. It can have none in my are but eight of these Associes etrangers in opinion on the old grants from Indians, all Europe, and those of the most distinguish-Swedes, and Dutch, where none was reserved. ed names for science. The vacancy I have And I think those grants so clearly good as to the honour of filling, was made by the death need no confirmation: to obtain which I supof the late celebrated M. Van Swieten of Vi-pose is the only motive for offering such quitenna. This mark of respect from the first academy in the world, which abbe Nolet, one of its members, took so much pains to prejudice against my doctrines, I consider as a kind of victory without ink shed, since I never answered him. I am told he has but one of his sect now remaining in the academy. All the rest who have in any degree acquainted themselves with electricity, are, as he calls them, Franklinists. B. FRANKLIN.” rent. I imagine too, that it may not be amiss "Joseph Galloway. "LONDON, August 22, 1772. "DEAR FRIEND,-I acknowledged before the receipt of your favour of May 14, since which I have no line from you. It will be a pleasure to render any service to Mr. Tilghman whom you recommended. I "The acts passed in your winter and spring sessions I have not yet received, nor have heard from Mr. Wilmot that they have been presented. "Lord Hillsborough, mortified by the committee of council's approbation of our grant, in opposition to his report, has resigned. I believe when he offered to do so, he had such an opinion of his importance that he did not think it would be accepted; and that it would be thought prudent rather to set our grant aside than part with him. His colleagues in the ministry were all glad to get rid of him, and perhaps for this reason joined more readily in giving him that mortification. Lord Dart To the same. "LONDON, Dec. 2, 1772. "DEAR FRIEND,-I am glad you are returned again to a seat in the assembly, where your abilities are so useful and necessary in the service of your country. We must not in the course of public life expect immediate ap probation and immediate grateful acknowledgment of our services. But let us persevere through abuse and even injury. The internal satisfaction of a good conscience is always present, and time will do us justice in the minds of the people, even those at present the most prejudiced against us. "I have given Dr. Denormandie a recommendation to a friend in Geneva, for which place he set out this morning; and I shall be glad of any opportunity of serving him when he returns to London. I see by the Pennsylvania Gazette, of October 21, that you are continued speaker, and myself agent, but I have no line from you or the committee rela tive to instructions. Perhaps I shall hear from lord Dartmouth, his lordship sent for me to you by Falconer. I find myself upon very discourse with me upon it. After a long augood terms with our new minister, lord Dart-dience, he was pleased to say, that notwithmouth, who we have reason to think means standing all I had said or could say, in support - well to the colonies. I believe all are now and justification of the petition, he was sure sensible that nothing is to be got by contest- the presenting it at this time could not posing with or oppressing us. Two circum- sibly produce any good: that the king would stances have diverted me lately. One was, be exceedingly offended, but what steps his that being at the court of exchequer on some majesty would take upon it was uncertain; business of my own, I there met with one of perhaps he would require the opinion of the the commissioners of the stamp office, who judges or government lawyers, which would told me he attended with a memorial from surely be against us; perhaps he might lay it that board, to be allowed in their accounts before parliament, and so the censure of both the difference between their expense in en- houses would be drawn down upon us: the deavouring to establish those offices in Ameri- most favourable thing to be expected was, a ca, and the amount of what they received, severe reprimand to the assembly, by order which from Canada and the West India of his majesty, the natural consequence of islands was but about fifteen hundred pounds, which must be more discontent and uneasiwhile the expense, if I remember right, was ness in the province. That possessed as he was above twelve thousand pounds, being for with great good will for New England, he was stamps and stamping, with paper and parch-extremely unwilling that one of the first acts ment returned upon their hands, freight, &c. The other is the present difficulties of the India company and of government on their account. The company have accepted bills which they find themselves unable to pay, though they have the value of two millions in tea and other India goods in their stores, perishing under a want of demand. Their credit thus suffering, and their stock falling one hundred and twenty per cent., whereby the government will lose the four hundred thousand pounds per annum, it having been stipulated that it should no longer be paid if the dividend fell to that mark. And although it is known that the American market is lost by continuing the duty on tea, and that we are supplied by the Dutch, who doubtless take the opportunity of smuggling other India goods among us with the tea, so that for the five years past we might probably have otherwise taken off the greatest part of what the company have on hand, and so have prevented their present embarrassment, yet the honour of government is supposed to forbid the repeal of the American tea duty; while the amount of all the duties goes on decreasing, so that the balance of this year does not (as I have it from good authority) exceed eighty pounds, after paying the collection; not reckoning the immense expense of guarda costas, &c. Can an American help smiling at these blunders?though in a national light they are truly deplorable. "With the sincerest esteem and inviolable attachment, I am, my dear friend, ever most affectionately yours, B. FRANKLIN." "Thomas Cushing. "LONDON, Dec. 2, 1772. "SIR,-The above is a copy of my last. A few days after my leaving your petition with of his administration, with regard to the Massachusetts, should be of so unpleasant a nature. That minds had been heated and irritated on both sides the water, but he hoped those heats were now cooling, and he was averse to the addition of fresh fuel; that as I had delivered the petition to him officially, he must present it if I insisted upon it; but he wished I would first consult my constituents, who might possibly, on reconsideration, think fit to order its being deferred. I answered that the great majority with which the petition and the resolves on which it was founded were carried through the house, made it scarce expectable that their order would be countermanded; that the slighting, evading, or refusing to receive petitions from the colonies, on some late occasions by the parliament, had occasioned a total loss of the respect for and confidence in that body, formerly subsisting so strongly in America, and brought on a questioning of their authority: that his lordship might observe that petitions came no more from thence to parliament, but to the king only: that the king appeared now to be the only connexion between the two countries; and that as a continued union was essentially necessary to the well being of the whole empire, I should be sorry to see that link weakened, as the other had been; that I thought it a dangerous thing for any government to refuse receiving petitions, and thereby prevent the subjects from giving vent to their griefs. His lordship interrupted me by replying, that he did not refuse to deliver the petition; that it should never justly be said of him, that he interrupted the complaints of his majesty's subjects; and that he must and would present it, as he had said before, whenever I should absolutely require it; but for motives of pure good will to the province, he wished me not to insist on it till I should receive fresh orders. Finally, considering that since the pe |
