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"You will find in the preliminaries some inaccurate and ambiguous expressions that want explanation, and which may be explained in the definitive treaty. And as the British ministry excluded our proposition relating to commerce, and the American prohibition of that with England may not be understood to cease merely by our concluding a treaty of peace, perhaps we may then, if the congress shall think fit to direct it, obtain some compensation for the injuries done us, as a condition of our opening again the trade. Every one of the present British ministry has, while in the minority, declared the war against us unjust, and nothing is clearer in reason, than that those who injure others by an unjust war, should make full reparation. They have stipulated, too, in these preliminaries, that in evacuating our towns, they shall carry off no plunder, which is a kind of acknowledgment, that they ought not to have done it before. "The reason given us for dropping the article relating to commerce, was, that some statutes were in the way, which must be repealed before a treaty of that kind could well be formed; and that this was a matter to be considered in parliament.

"They wanted to bring their boundary down to the Ohio, and to settle their loyalists in the Illinois country. We did not choose such neighbours.

"We communicated all the articles, as as soon as they were signed, to Mons. le comte de Vergennes, (except the separate one) who thinks we have managed well, and told me, that we had settled what was most apprehended as a difficulty in the work of a general peace, by obtaining the declaration of our independence.

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are so many interests to be considered between five nations, and so many claims to adjust, that I can hardly flatter myself to see the peace soon concluded, though I wish and pray for it, and use my best endeavours to promote it.

"I am extremely sorry to hear language from Americans on this side the water, and to hear of such language from your side, as tends to hurt the good understanding that has hitherto so happily subsisted between this court and ours. There seems to be a party with you that wish to destroy it. If they could succeed, they would do us irreparable injury. It is our firm connection with France that gives us weight with England, and respect throughout Europe. If we were to break our faith with this nation, on whatever pretence, England would again trample on us, and every other nation despise us. We cannot, therefore, be too much on our guard, how we permit the private resentments of particular persons to enter into our public counsels. You will hear much of an intercepted letter communicated to us by the British ministry. The channel ought to be suspected. It may have received additions and alterations; but, supposing it all genuine, the forward, mistaken zeal of a secretary of legation should not be imputed to the king, who has in so many ways proved himself our faithful and firm friend and ally.*

* Copy of a letter from Barbe de Marbois to M. le Comte de Vergennes, decyphered and translated.

PHILADELPHIA, March 13, 1782. SIR, South Carolina again enjoys the benefit of a legislative body, after having been deprived of it for two years; it was summoned together towards the

latter end of last January, at Jacksonburg, only ten leagues distant from Charleston; where deliberations are carried on with as much tranquillity as if the state governor, opened the meeting with a speech greatly was in profound peace. Mr. Rutledge, who was the applauded, wherein he represents, in their full extent, the important services rendered by the king to the United States, expressing their just acknowledgments for the same. This sentiment prevails much, sir; the different states are eager to declare it, in their public acts, and the principal members of government, and the writers employed by them, would forfeit their popu larity were they to admit any equivocal remarks respecting the alliance. General Greene affirms that in no one state is attachment to independence carried to a higher pitch; but that this affection is yet exceeded

by the hatred borne to England. The assembly of Carolina is going to make levies of men, and has imposed pretty large sums; as there is but little money in the country, the taxes will be gathered in indigo; and what deficiency may there be found, will be supplied by the sale of lands of such Carolinians as joined the enemy while they were in possession of the country. South Carolina was the only state that had not confiscated the property of the disaffected. The step just taken puts her on a footing with the other states of the

union. The assembly of this state has passed a resolution in consequence of which a purchase of land is to be made of the value of two hundred and forty thousand livres tournois, which Carolina makes a present to general Greene as the saviour of that province. rived in Carolina, has, it is said, been chosen governor in the room of Mr. Rutledge: he has communicated ultimatum of the month of to persons of the most influence in his state, the last, who ap

Mr. Matthews, a delegate from congress, lately ar

proved of the clauses in general, and particularly that

"In my opinion, the true political interest the same time towards England, so as not enof America consists in observing and fulfilling, tirely to extinguish her hopes of a reconciliawith the greatest exactitude, the engagements tion. of our alliance with France; and behaving at one which leaves the king master of the terms of the treaty of peace or truce, excepting independence, and treaties of alliance. A delegate from South Carolina told me, that this ultimatum was equally well known by persons of note in this state, and this had given entire satisfaction there; it is the same with regard to

several other states; and I believe I may assure you, upon the testimony of several delegates, that this mea: sure is approved by a great majority; but Mr. Samuel Adams is using all his endeavours to raise in the state of Massachusetts a strong opposition to peace, if the

"I long to see you and my country once more before I die, being ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately. "B. FRANKLIN.”

In another part of the preceding letter to the honourable Robert R. Livingston, Dr. Franklin thus notices the commencement of the negotiation ordered by congress to be opened with the court of Sweden.

eastern states are not thereby admitted to the fisheries, and particularly to that of Newfoundland. Samuel "As soon as I received the commission and Adams delights in trouble and difficulty, and prides instructions for treating with Sweden, I waithimself on forming an opposition against the governed on its ambassador here; who told me, he ment whereof he is himself the president. His aim and intentions are to render the minority of consequence, and at this very moment he is attacking the measure his own work; but he had disliked it since

constitution of Massachusetts, although it is in a great

the people had shown their uniform attachment to it. It may be expected that with this disposition, no measure can meet the approval of Mr. Samuel Adams, and if the United States should agree relative to the fisheries, and be certain of partaking therein, all his manœuvres and intrigues would be directed towards the conquest of Canada and Nova Scotia ; but he could not have used a fitter engine than the fisheries for stirring up the passions of the Eastern people. By renewing this question, which had lain dormant during his two years absence from Boston, he has raised the expectation of the people of Massachusetts to an extraordinary pitch. The public prints hold forth the importance of the fisheries; the reigning toast in the East is, May the United States ever maintain their rights to the fisheries. It has been often repeated in the deliberation of the general court; No peace without fisheries. However clear this principle may be in this matter, it would be needless and even dangerous to at tempt informing the people through the public papers, but it appears to me possible to use means for preventing the consequences of success to Mr. S. Adains and his party; and I take the liberty of submitting these to your discernment and indulgence; one of those means would be for the king to cause it to be intimated to congress or to the ministers, "his surprise that the Newfoundland fisheries have been intended in the additional instructions; that the United States set forth therein pretensions without paying regard to the king's rights, and without considering the impossibility they are under of making conquests, and keeping what belongs to Great Britain."

His majesty might at the same time cause a promise to be given to congress of his assistance for procuring admission to the other fisheries, declaring however that he would not be answerable for the success, and that he is bound to nothing, as the treaty makes no mention of that article." This declaration being made before the peace, the hopes of the people could not be support ed, nor could it one day be said that we left them in the dark on this point. It were even to be wished that this declaration should be made whilst New York, Charleston, and Penobscot are in the enemy's hands; our allies will be less tractable than ever upon these points whenever they recover these important ports. There are some judicious persons to whom one may speak of giving up the fisheries and the*of the West for the sake of peace. But these are enthusiasts who fly out at this idea, and their numbers cannot fail increasing when, after the English are expelled this continent, the burden of the war will scarce be felt. It is already observable that the advocates for peace are those who lived in the country. The inhabitants of towns whom commerce enriches, mechanics who receive there a higher pay than before war, and 5 or 6 times more than in Europe, do not wish for it; but it is a happy circumstance that this division be nearly equal in the congress and among the states, since our influence can incline the beam either for peace or war which ever way we choose. Another means of preserving to France so important a branch of her commerce and ne

* Supposed Settlements, or Lands.

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daily expected a courier on that subject. Yesterday he wrote a note to acquaint me, that he would call on me to-day, having something to communicate. Being obliged to go to Paris, I waited on him, when he showed me the full powers he had just received, and I showed

gotiation, is that proposed to you, sir, by Mviz. the conquest of Cape Breton; it seems to me, as it does to that minister, the only sure means of contain ing within bounds, when peace is made, those swarms of smugglers who, without regard to treaties, will tura all their activity, daring spirit, and means towards the fisheries, whose undertakings congress will not perhaps have the power or the will to repress. If it be appre hended, that the peace which is to put an end to the present war will prove disagreeable to any of the United States, there appears to me a certain method of guarding against the effects of this discontent, of preventing the declarations of some states and other resources which turbulent minds might employ for availing themselves of the present juncture. This would be for his majesty to cause a memorial to be de livered to congress, wherein should be stated the use made by his ministers of the powers entrusted to them by that assembly; and the impediments which may have stood in the way of a fuller satisfaction on every point. This step would certainly be pleasing to congress; and should it become necessary to inform the people of this memorial, it could easily be done; they would be flattered by it, and it might probably beget the voice and concurrence of the public. I submit these thoughts to you early, and although peace appears yet to be distant, sir, by reason of delays and difficulties attending the communications, that period will be a crisis when the partizans of France and England will openly appear, and when that power will employ every means to diminish our influence; and re-establish her own; it is true, the independent party will always stand in great want of our support, that the fears and jealousies which a remembrance of the former govern ment will always produce, must operate as the safe guard to our alliance, and as a security for the attachment of the Americans to us. But it is best to be pre pared for any discontent, although it should be but temporary. It is remarked by some, that as England has other fisheries besides Newfoundland, she may per haps endeavour that the Americans should partake in that of the Great Bank, in order to conciliate their af fection, or procure them some compensation, or create a subject of jealousy between them and us; but it does not seem likely that she will act so contrary to their true interest, and were she to do so, it will be for the better to have declared at an early period to the Ameri cans, that their pretension is not founded, and that his majesty does not mean to support it.

I here inclose, sir, translations of the speech made by the governor of South Carolina to the assembly, and of their answer. These interesting productions con vey in a forcible manner the sentiments of the inhabitants of that state, and appeared to me worth com municating to you. I am, &c.

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him mine. We agreed to meet on Wednesday next, exchange copies, and proceed to business. His commission has some polite expressions in it; viz. That his majesty thought it for the good of his subjects to enter into a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States of America, who had established their independence, so justly merited by their courage and constancy,' or to that effect. I imagine this treaty will soon be completed." This actually took place about four months afterwards, (April 3d, 1783,) when a treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of America and Sweden, was concluded and signed by the respective plenipotentiaries, Dr. Franklin and the count de Krutz. Not long after this transaction, Dr. Franklin received the following letter from the Swedish chargé d'affaires, afterwards ambassador at the court of France, (baron de Staël) announcing the reception from his court of the ratification of the treaty, and renewing the request made by the late ambassador, count de Krutz, (intended no doubt as a compliment to Dr. Franklin,) relative to Mr. Franklin being appointed by congress, resident minister at the court of Sweden; where the count then held the situation of prime minister.

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* "A son Excellence M. Franklin.

"PARIS, le 13 Juin, 1783.

MONSIEUR,―Je viens de recevoir la ratification de sa majesté, du traité de commerce conclu avec les Etats Unis; laquelle j'aurai l'honneur de vous remettre aussitôt qu'elle pourra être échangée contre celle du congrès. "Permettez, monsieur, que je vous repète à cette occasion, la demande que Mons. l'ambassadeur (le comte de Krutz) vous a faite, au sujet de monsieur Franklin, votre petit-fils. Il a eu l'honneur de vous dire, que le Roi verroit avec plaisir résider auprès de lui, en qualité de ministre du congrès, une personne qui porte votre nom; et y joint des qualities aussi estimables que le jeune M. Franklin. Avant de partir, il m'a chargé de vous répé

TRANSLATION.

*To his Excellency Mr. Franklin.

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"You mention that an entire new arrangement with respect to foreign affairs, is under consideration. I wish to know, whether any notice is likely to be taken in it of my grandson. He has now gone through an apprenticeship of near seven years in the ministerial business, and is very capable of serving the States in that line, as possessing all the requisites of knowledge, zeal, activity, language, and address. He is well liked here, and count de Vergennes has expressed to me in warm terms his very good opinion of him. The late Swedish ambassador, count de Krutz, who is gone home to be prime minister, desired I would endeavour to procure his being sent to Sweden with a public character, assuring me that he should be glad to receive him there as our minister, and that he knew it would be pleasing to the king. The present Swedish ambassador has also proposed the of his, which I inclose. same thing to me, as you will see by a letter One of the Danish ministers, Mr. Waltersdorff, who will probably be sent in a public character to congress, has also expressed his wish that my grandson may be sent to Denmark. But it is not my custom to solicit employments for myself or any of my family, and I shall not do it in this case. I only hope, that if he is not employed in your new arrangement, I may be informed of it as soon as possible; that while I have strength left for it, I may accompany him in a tour to Italy, returning through Germany, which I think he may make to more advantage with me than alone, and which I have long promised to afford him, as a reward for his faithful service, and his tender filial at

SIR.-I have received the ratification from his ma-tachment to me." jesty, of the treaty of commerce concluded with the United States, which I shall have the power of transmitting to you as soon as it can be exchanged for that of the Congress.

Permit me, sir, to repeat to you on this occasion, the request that the ambassador (count de Krutz) made to you, on the subject of Mr. Franklin, your grandson, he bas had the honour to say to you, that the king will

see with pleasure reside near him, in quality of minis ter of the congress, a person who bears your name, and joins thereto. qualities so estimable as the young Mr. Franklin. Before parting, he has charged me to repeat to you the same assurance; and permit me to add my own wishes, for the success of this affair.

I have the honour to be, with the most perfect esteem, and inviolable attachment, sir, &c. BARON DE STAEL.

(† de Paris.)

These intimations from foreign courts, and this honourable and satisfactory testimony from one who had rendered the most eminent services to his country, were unnoticed by the American government; they are, however, no mean consolation to the object of them.

Shortly after signing the preliminary artifunctions ceased; and a change in administracles of peace with Great Britain, Mr. Oswald's tion taking place, David Hartley, esq. was appointed minister plenipotentiary, and re

paired to Paris, invested, as expressed in his commission, with full powers there to meet and confer with the ministers of the United States of America, duly authorised, for the purpose of perfecting and establishing the peace, friendship, and good understanding so happily commenced; and for opening, promoting, and rendering perpetual, the mutual intercourse of trade and commerce between the British dominions and the United States of America.

Several private communications had taken place relative to these objects, between Dr. Franklin and Mr. Hartley, previous to the latter receiving his appointment; these, together with the subsequent propositions and various transactions that occurred, after the respective plenipotentiaries had exchanged their full powers, will be seen in the PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. Those with Mr. Hartley proceeded very slowly, owing principally to his conceiving it necessary to send every proposition, either of his own or the American ministers, to his court for their approbation, and their delay in answering. Eventually, the English ministry would not agree to any of the propositions that had been made on either side; and sent over a project for the definitive treaty, consisting merely of the preliminaries formerly signed, with a short introductory paragraph, and an article at the conclusion, confirming and ratifying the said articles.

private letter, respecting my personal concerns, which I presume to trouble you with on the score of our ancient friendship.

"In a letter of the 12th of March, 1781, I stated my age and infirmities to the congress, and requested they would be pleased to recall me, that I might enjoy the little left me of the evening of life in repose, and in the sweet society of my friends and family. I was answered by the then president, that when peace should be made, if I persisted in the same request, it should be granted. I acqui esced; the preliminaries were signed in November, 1782, and I then repeated my peti tion. A year is past, and I have no answer. Undoubtedly, if the congress should think my continuing here necessary for the public service, I ought as a good citizen to submit to their judgment and pleasure; but as they may easily supply my place to advantage, that cannot be the case; I suppose, therefore, that it is merely the multiplicity of more inportant affairs, that has put my request out of their mind. What I would then desire of you is, to put this matter in train to be moved and answered as soon as possible, that I may arrange my affairs accordingly.

"In the first letter above mentioned, to which I beg leave to refer you, I gave a character of my grandson, William Temple Franklin, and solicited for him the favour and protec tion of congress. I have nothing to abate of that character; on the contrary, I think him Finding nothing could be determined upon so much improved as to be capable of execut at that time with respect to commercial regu- ing with credit to himself and advantage to lations, the American ministers, in order to the public, any employment in Europe the terminate the affair, agreed to sign the plan congress may think fit to honour him with. offered them by Mr. Hartley, as the defini-He has been seven years in the service, and tive treaty; which accordingly took place at Paris, on the 3d of Sept. 1783.

is much esteemed by all that know him, particularly by the minister here, who, since my This business being accomplished, and Dr. new disorder, (the stone,) makes my going to Franklin not receiving any answer whatever Versailles inconvenient to me, transacts our from congress to his repeated official applica- business with him in the most obliging and tions to be recalled; and his anxiety to return friendly manner. It is natural for me, who home increasing with his age and infirmities, love him, to wish to see him settled before I he addressed a private request to the same die, in some employ that may probably be effect to his friend general Mifflin, then pre-permanent; and I hope you will be so good to sident of congress, in order, through his interposition and influence, to obtain the wished-for object. The following is a copy of that letter:

me, as to get that affair likewise moved and carried through in his favour. He has, I think, this additional merit to plead, that he has served in my office as secretary several years, for the small salary of 300 louis a year,

"To his Excellency Thomas Mifflin, presi- while the congress gave 1000 a year to the

dent of Congress.
(Private.)

"PASSY, Dec. 26, 1783. "DEAR SIR,—I congratulate you very sincerely on your appointment to that very honourable station, the presidency of congress. Every testimony you receive of the public sense of your services and talents, gives me pleasure.

"I have written to you a long letter on business, in my quality of minister. This is a

secretaries of other ministers, who had not half the employ for a secretary that I had. For it was long before a consul was sent here, and we had all that business on our hands, with a great deal of admiralty business in examining and condemning captures taken by our cruisers, and by the French cruisers under American commissions; besides the constant attendance in examining and recording the acceptances of the congress bills of exchange, which has been, from the immense

Lumber, very fatiguing; with many other ex- | promise me, your thoughts on the subject of tra affairs, not usually occurring to other min- such a treaty. isters, such as the care of the prisoners in 1 England, and the constant correspondence relating to them, in all which he served me as secretary, with the assistance only of a clerk at low wages, (fifty louis a year,) so that the saving has been very considerable to the public."

Some months after this, Dr. Franklin again I repeated the same earnest requests, to his friends and former colleagues, Mr. Jay and Mr. Laurens, then on the point of returning to the United States with their families.

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To Mr. and Mrs. Jay he thus writes:

"PASSY, May 13, 1784.

MY DEAR FRIENDS,-I find I shall not be able to see you again as I intended. My best wishes, however, go with you, that you may have a prosperous voyage and a happy sight of your friends and families.

Mr. Jay was so kind as to offer his friendly services to me in America. He will oblige me much by endeavouring to forward my discharge from this employment. Repose is now my only ambition.-If too he should think with me, that my grandson is qualified to serve the States as secretary to a future minister at this court, or as chargé des affaires, and will be kind enough to recommend such an appointment, it will exceedingly oblige me. I have twice mentioned this in my letter to congress, but have not been favoured with any answer; which is hard, because the suspense prevents my endeavouring to promote him in some other way. I would not however be importunate; and therefore if Mr. Jay should use his interest without effect, I will trouble them no more on the subject. My grandson's acquaintance with the language, with the court, and customs here, and the particular regard monsieur de Vergennes has for him, are circumstances in his favour. "God bless and protect you both. Emmy little friend for me, and believe me ever yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN."

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To Mr. Laurens he writes thus:

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PASSY, May 13, 1784.

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"You have been so kind as to offer me your friendly services in America. You will oblige me greatly in forwarding my dismission from this employment, for I long much to be at home: and if you should think my grandson qualified to serve the States as secretary to my successor, or chargé des affaires till a successor arrives, I shall thank you for recommending him. His knowledge of this court, and acquaintance with the language; and the esteem the minister has for him, are circumstances in his favour: his long experience in the business here is another, he having served an apprenticeship to it for more than seven years. His intelligence, discretion, and address, you can judge better than myself, who may be partial. His fidelity and exactitude in performing his duty, I can an

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PASSY, June 26, 1784. Mr. Waltersdorff called on me, and acquainted me with a duel that had been fought yesterday morning, between a French officer,* and a Swedish gentleman of that king's suite, in which the latter was killed on the spot, and the other dangerously wounded :—that the king does not resent it, as he thinks his subject was in the wrong.

Sweden-I had not yet had that honour.
He asked me if I had seen the king of

He said his behaviour here was not liked: that he took little notice of his own ambassador, who being acquainted with the usages of this court, was capable of advising him, but was not consulted. That he was always talking of himself, and vainly boasting of his revolution, though it was known to have been the work of M. de Vergennes. That they began to be tired of him here, and wished him gone, but he proposed staying till the 12th July. That he had now laid aside his project of invading Norway, as he found Denmark had made preparations to receive him. "The ratifications of the definitive treaty That he pretended the Danes had designed are now exchanged; but Mr. Hartley waits to invade Sweden, though it was a known for instructions respecting a treaty of com- fact, that the Danes had made no military merce, which, from what you observe, may preparations, even for defence, till six months probably never arrive. I shall however be after his began. I asked if it was clear that glad to receive what you are so good as to VOL. I.... Y

"I am sorry for the numerous disappointments you have lately met with. The world, it is true, is full of disappointments, but they are not equally divided, and you have had more than your share.

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*The Count de la Marck.

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