that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it, and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise; and I am persuaded, that cool and dispassionate posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it; and that even success will not save from some degree of dishonour, those who have voluntarily engaged to conduct it. The members chosen, Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Mr. John Adams, and Mr. Edward Rutledge. EAGLE, off Bedlow's Island, Sept. 10, 1776. "Lord Howe presents his compliments to Dr. Franklin, and according to the tenor of his favour of the 8th, will attend to have the and Rutledge to-morrow morning, at the house pleasure of meeting him and Messrs. Adams on Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, as early as the few conveniences for travelling by land on Staten Island will admit. Lord Howe, upon his arrival at the place appointed, will send a boat (if he can procure it in time) with a flag of truce over to Amboy; and requests the doctor and the other gentlemen will postpone their intended favour of passing over to meet him, until they are informed, as above, of his re-arrival to attend them there. "I know your great motive in coming hither, was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe when you find that to be impossible, on any terms given you to propose, you will then relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honourable private station. "With the greatest and most sincere spect, I have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient humble servant, "B. FRANKLIN.” IN CONGRESS, Sept. 2d, 1776. Congress being informed that general Sullivan, who was taken prisoner on Long Island, was come to Philadelphia with a message from lord Howe, gress. Ordered, that he be admitted, and heard before conGeneral Sullivan being admitted, delivered the verbal message he had in charge from lord Howe, which he was desired to reduce to writing, and withdrew. September 3d.-General Sullivan, having reduced to writing the verbal message from lord Howe, the same was laid before congress and read as follows. The following is the purport of the message sent from lord Howe to congress by general Sullivan. That though he could not at present treat with con gress as such, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider for the present only as private gentlemen, and meet them himself as such, at such place as they should appoint. That he, in conjunction with general Howe, had full powers to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America on terms advantageous to both; the obtaining of which, delayed him near two months in England, and prevented his arrival at this place before the declaration of independence took place. That he wished a compact might be settled at this time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could say they were compelled to enter into such agreement. That in case congress were disposed to treat, many things which they had not as yet asked, might and ought to be granted to them; and that if, upon the con ference, they found any probable ground of an accom modation, the authority of congress must be afterwards acknowledged, otherwise the compact could not be complete. September 5th.-Resolved, That general Sullivan be requested to inform lord Howe, that this congress being the representatives of the free and independent states of America, cannot, with propriety, send any of its members to confer with his lordship in their private characters; but that, ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorised by congress for that pur pose on behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same. Ordered, that a copy of the foregoing resolution be delivered to general Sullivan, and that he be directed immediately to repair to lord Howe. September 6th-Resolved, That the committee "to be sent to know whether lord Howe has any authority to treat with persons authorised by congress for that purpose, in behalf of America; and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same," consist of three. "In case the weather should prove unfavourable for lord Howe to pass in his boat to Staten Island to-morrow, as from the present appearance there is some reason to suspect, he will take the next earliest opportunity tha offers for that purpose. In this intention he may be further retarded, having been an inva lid lately; but will certainly give the most timely notice of that inability. He, however, flatters himself he shall not have occasion to make further excuses on that account." September 13th.-The committee appointed to confer with lord Howe, having returned, made a verbal report Ordered, that they make a report in writing, as soon as they conveniently can. September 17th.-The committee appointed to confer with lord Howe, agreeable to order brought in a report in writing, which was read as follows. In obedience to the orders of congress, we have had a meeting with lord Howe, it was on Wednesday last upon Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, where his lordship received and entertained us with the utmost politeness. His lordship opened the conversation by acquainting us, that though he could not treat with us as a com mittee of congress, yet as his powers enabled him to confer and consult with any private gentlemen of in fluence in the colonies, on the means of restoring peace between the two countries, he was glad of this oppor tunity of conferring with us on that subject, if w thought ourselves at liberty to enter into a conference with him in that character. We observed to his lordship, that as our business was to hear, he might consider us in what light he pleased, and communicate to us any proposition t might be authorised to make for the purpose mention ed; but that we could consider ourselves in no other character than that in which we were placed by orde of congress. His lordship then entered into a discourse of con siderable length, which contained no explicit proposi tion of peace except one, viz. that the colonies shouk return to their allegiance and obedience to the govern ment of Great Britain. The rest consisted principall of assurances, that there was an exceeding good dis position in the king and his ministers to make tha government easy to us, with intimations, that in cas of our submission they would cause the offensive act of parliament to be revised, and the instructions to governors to be reconsidered; that so, if any just cause of complaint were found in the acts, or errors in g vernment were perceived to have crept into the instruc tions, they might be amended or withdrawn. We gave it as our opinion to his lordship, that a re turn to the domination of Great Britain was not Dow to be expected. We mentioned the repeated humbi petitions of the colonies to the king and parliamen which had been treated with contempt, and answere only by additional injuries; the unexampled patience | plicated, proposed the reducing it to the simwe had shown under their tyrannical government; and that it was not till the last act of parliament which de plicity of a single legislative body. This nounced war against us, and put us out of the king's grand idea startled the trading politicians of protection, that we declared our independence. That this declaration had been called for by the people of the Pennsylvania; but the philosopher removed colonies in general; that every colony had approved the fears of a considerable number, and at of it, when made; and all now considered themselves length determined the whole to adopt the as independent states, and were settling or had settled their governments accordingly; so that it was not in principle." the power of congress to agree for them, that they should return to their former dependent state. That there was no doubt of their inclination to peace, and their willingness to enter into a treaty with Britain that might be advantageous to both countries. That though his lordship had at present no power to treat with them as independent states, he might, if there was the same good disposition in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh powers from thence, than powers could be obtained by congress from the several colonies to consent to a submission. an end to the conference. His lordship then saying, that he was sorry to find that no accommodation was likely to take place, put Upon the whole, it did not appear to your committee, that his lordship's commission contained any authority of importance, other than what is expressed in the act of parliament, viz. that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commissioners shall think proper to make; and of declaring America or any part of it to be in the king's peace upon submission: for as to the power of inquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned to us, and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper, and representing the result of such conversation to the ministry, who, provided the colonies would subject themselves, might, after all, or might not at their pleasure, make any alterations in the former instructions to governors, or propose in parliament any amendment of the acts complained of, we apprehended any expectation from the effect of such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied on by America, had she still continued in her state of de pendence. Ordered that the above be published. The same distinguished person adds in a note on this passage, of his printed oration, "The usual progress of the human mind leads man from the complex to the simple. Observe the works of the first mechanics overloaded with numerous pieces, some of which embarrass, and others diminish their effect. It has been the same with legislators, both speculative and practical; struck with an abuse, they have endeavoured to correct it by institutions that have been productive of still greater abuses. In political economy the unity of the legislative body is the maximum of simplicity. Franklin was the first who dared to put this idea in practice: The res pect the Pennsylvanians entertained for him induced them to adopt it; but other states affected to be terrified at it, and even the constitution of Pennsylvania has since been altered." During Dr. Franklin's presidency of the convention, he drew up the following protest against the equality of voting in congress; but (as he acknowledged at the time) he was dissuaded from endeavouring to carry it through, from prudential considerations, respecting the necessary union at that critical period, of all the states in confederation. 66 PROTEST. JOHN HANCOCK, President. Attest, CHAS. THOMPSON, Secretary. Congress, in their manifesto, had recommended to each colony, whose government was not already sufficient, to proceed to the institution of such a form, as was necessary to the preservation of internal peace, and suited to the then exigency of their affairs, for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies. In conformity with this recommendation, a convention was as"1st. Because the foundation of every consembled at Philadelphia, in July, 1776, for the federation, intended to be lasting, ought to be purpose of settling a new form of government laid in justice and equity, no unfair advantage for the then State of Pennsylvania. Dr. being given to, or taken by, any of the conFranklin was chosen president of this conven- tracting parties. tion. The constitution formed and established "2d. Because it is, in the nature of things, at that period for Pennsylvania, was the re- just and equal, that the respective states of sult of the deliberations of that assembly, and the confederacy should be represented in conmay be considered as a digest of Dr. Frank-gress, and have votes there in proportion to lin's principles of government. The single their importance, arising from their numbers of legislature and the plural executive, appear to people, and the share and degree of strength have been his favourite tenets; being, as he they afford to the united body. And therefore believed, less liable to abuse than any form the XVIIth article,* which gives one vote to of responsible government. the smallest state and no more to the largest, The virtuous and unfortunate duke de la when the difference between them may be as Rochefoucault, in his eulogium of Dr. Frank-ten to one, or greater; is unjust, and injurious lin, in 1790, thus remarks on this system of to the larger states, since all of them are, by We, the representatives of the state of Pennsylvania, in full convention met, having duly considered the plan of confederation formed in congress, and submitted to the several states, for their assent or dissent, do hereby declare the dissent of this state to the same, for the following reasons, viz. government: "Franklin alone, disengaging the political machine from those multiplied movements and admired counterpoises that rendered it so com * This afterwards formed part of the 5th article of the confederation as agreed to by all the states, except Maryland, on the 9th July, 1778: and finally ratified by the whole union, on the 1st March, 1781, (the state of Maryland acceding thereto.) other articles, obliged to contribute in proportion to their respective abilities. have a right to equal votes. Not that we mean thereby to avoid granting additional aids, when the exigence of our common interests shall appear to us to make them proper and necessary; but, leaving to the congress, with regard to such additional aids, the right of making requisitions as enjoyed by our late kings, we would reserve to ourselves the right of judging of the propriety of these requisitions, or of refusing or complying with them in part, or in the whole, as to us shall seem best, and of modifying our grants with such conditions as we shall judge necessary, in like manner as our assemblies might for merly do with regard to requisitions from the crown: for it appears to us just and reasonable, that we should retain the disposition of what strength we have, above the equal proportion contributed, as aforesaid, by our state to the common service, with every power ne cessary to apply the same, as occasions may arise, for our particular security; this we mean to do from this time forward, unless we are allowed votes in congress, proportioned to the importance of our state, as was originally intended. "3d. Because the practice hitherto in congress, of allowing only one vote to each colony, was originally taken up under a conviction of its impropriety and injustice, was intended to be in some future time corrected, and was then and since submitted to only as a temporary expedient, to be used in ordinary business, until the means of rectifying the same could be obtained: this clearly appears by the resolve of congress, dated September 6, 1774, being the day of its meeting, which resolve is in these words, "That in determining questions in this congress, each colony or province shall have one vote, the congress not being possessed of, or at present able to procure proper materials for ascertaining the importance of each colony.' That importance has since been supposed to be best found in the numbers of the people; for the congress, not only by their resolution when the issuing of bills was agreed to, but by this present confederation, have judged, that the contribution towards sinking those bills and to the common expense, should be in proportion to such numbers, when they could be taken, which has not yet been done; and though the larger colonies submitted to his temporary inequality of representation, expecting it would much sooner have been rectified; it never was understood that by the resolution above cited, a power was given to the smaller states to fix that inequality upon them for ever, as those small states have now attempted to do, by combining to vote for this 17th article, and thereby to deprive the larger states of their just right, acknowledged in the same resolution. Smaller states having given us in advance, this striking instance of the injustice they are capable of, and of the possible effects of their combination, is of itself a sufficient reason for our determining not to put ourselves in their power, by agreeing to this article as it stands connected with those concerning the quotas of each state, since being a majority of states in congress, they may by In the latter end of 1776, a commission was the same means, at any time, deprive the appointed for this object; and Dr. Franklin, larger states of any share in the disposition though then in his 71st year, was considered. of our strength and wealth, and the manage-from his talents as a statesman, and reputation ment of our common interests. Signed by order of the convention.” Though this protest was not acted upon, for the reasons previously assigned by Dr. Franklin, it serves however, to show his opinion and arguments in support of a very important question of American legislation, and is an additional feature in his political mind. American paper-money beginning to fall into disrepute, in 1776, and immediate supplies of arms and ammunition for the use of the army being absolutely necessary, congres turned their attention towards Europe, and to France in particular, for the purpose of obtaining aids in money and military stores, as the only means of resisting the power of Great Britain, and preserving their newly-acquired independence. as a philosopher, the most suitable person to "But as the smaller colonies may object, effect the desired end, and was consequently that if the larger are allowed a number of nominated commissioner plenipotentiary to votes in proportion to their importance, the the court of France, in conjunction with Šilas smaller will then be equally in danger of be- Deane and Arthur Lee, esquires: the former ing overpowered and governed by them: we, had already been sent to Europe, for the purnot having the least desire of any influence or pose of secretly obtaining and forwarding war power that is unjust, or unequal, or dispro-like stores, &c., and the other had been em portioned to the burdens we are to bear, do ployed by congress as a private and confidenhereby offer our consent to the said 17th arti- tial agent in England. cle as it now stands, provided the quotas to be contributed by the larger provinces shall be reduced to an equality with the smallest, in which case all, by contributing equally, will Previous to Dr. Franklin's departure, he conceived it would be advisable, on many ac counts, to be the bearer of propositions fo peace with Great Britain; and with this view f he drew up, and submitted to the secret committee of congress, the following paper :— or any powers to treat of peace, will furnish a pretence for Benjamin Franklin's going to England, where he has many friends and acSketch of Propositions for a Peace, 1776. quaintance, particularly among the best writThere shall be a perpetual peace between ers and ablest speakers in both houses of parGreat Britain and the United States of Ameliament, he thinks he shall be able when there, rica, on the following conditions. any Great Britain shall renounce and disclaim all pretence of right or authority to govern in of the United States of America. To prevent those occasions of misunderstanding which are apt to arise, where the territories of different powers border on each other, through the bad conduct of frontier inhabitants on both sides, Britain shall cede to the United States the provinces or colonies of Quebec, St. John's, Nova Scotia, Bermuda, East and West Florida, and the Bahama Islands, with all their adjoining and intermediate territories now claimed by her. In return for this cession, the United States shall pay to Great Britain the sum of sterling, in annual payments, that is to say per annum, for and during the term years. of And shall moreover grant a free trade to all British subjects throughout the United States and the ceded colonies, and shall guarantee to Great Britain the possession of her islands in the West Indies. Motives for proposing a Peace at this time. 1. The having such propositions in charge, will, by the law of nations, be some protection to the commissioners or ambassadors, if they should be taken. 2. As the news of our declared independence will tend to unite in Britain all parties against us; so our offering peace with commerce and payments of money, will tend to divide them again: for peace is as necessary to them as to us: our commerce is wanted by their merchants and manufacturers, who will therefore incline to the accommodation, even though the monopoly is not continued, since It can be easily made appear, their share of our growing trade will soon be greater than the whole has been heretofore. Then for the landed interest, who wish an alleviation of taxes, it is demonstrable by figures, that if we should agree to pay, suppose ten millions in one hundred years, viz. one hundred thousand pounds per annum for that term, it would, being faithfully employed as a sinking fund, more than pay off all their present national debt. It is, besides, a prevailing opinion in England, that they must in the nature of things, sooner or later lose the colonies, and many think they had better be without the government of them; so that the proposition will, on that account, have more supporters and fewer op posers. 3. As the having such propositions to make, if the terms are not accepted, to work up such a division of sentiments in the nation, as greatly to weaken its exertions against the United States, and lessen its credit in foreign countries. 4. The knowledge of there being powers given to the commissioners to treat with England, may have some effect in facilitating and expediting the proposed treaty with France. 5. It is worth our while to offer such a sum for the countries to be ceded, since the vacant lands will in time sell for a great part of what we shall give, if not more; and if we are to obtain them by conquest, after perhaps a long war, they will probably cost us more than that sum. It is absolutely necessary for us to the sum may seem large to the present genehave them for our own security; and though ration, in less than half the term, it will be to the whole United States, a mere trifle. It is uncertain to what extent this plan was adopted by congress. The propositions were certainly not such as the British ministry would have listened to a moment, at that period of the revolutionary war, whatever they might have been disposed to have done in a more advanced state of it. It is possible, however, that this or some other proposal for peace with Great Britain may have been furnished to Dr. Franklin by the secret committee of congress, to serve him in some measure as a protection in case of his capture at sea; of which there was at that time the most imminent danger. Dr. Franklin set off on this important mission from Philadelphia, Oct. 26, 1776, accompanied by two of his grandchildren, William Temple Franklin, and Benjamin Franklin Bache: they slept at Chester that night, and the next morning went by land to Marcus Hook, and embarked there that day, in the United States' sloop of war Reprisal, mounting sixteen guns, and commanded by captain Wickes. During the passage Dr. Franklin made daily experiments, by means of the thermometer, of the temperature of the sea-water, as he had done on similar occasions, and with the same view of ascertaining the ship's being in or out of the gulph stream, and more or less within soundings. The sloop was frequently chased during the voyage by British cruisers, and several times prepared for action; but being a good sailer, and the captain having received orders, not unnecessarily to risk an engagement, she as often escaped her pursuers. The crew did not always seem to like avoiding coming up with the vessels that were occasionally seen, as they were naturally desirous of getting some prize-money, on this account probably the captain indulged them on some occasions, when there was little likelihood of danger. An opportunity of this kind presented itself on the 27th of November, being then near the coast of France, though out of soundings. Several sail were seen about noon, and the sloop brought to, and took a brig from Bourdeaux, bound to Cork, (being Irish property) loaded with lumber and some wine. She had left Bourdeaux the day before. The captain found by the brig's reckoning, that he was then only sixteen leagues from land. In the afternoon of the same day he came up with, and took another brig, from Rochefort, belonging to Hull, bound to Hamburgh, with brandy and flax-seed: early the next morning land was in sight from the mast-head; it proved to be Belleisle; a pilot came on board, and the sloop was brought to an anchor in the evening. On the 29th she ran into Quiberon Bay, where she continued till December 3d, when finding the contrary winds likely to continue, which prevented her entering the Loire, the captain procured a fishing-boat to put Dr. Franklin and his grandsons on shore at Auray, about six leagues distant, where they were landed in the evening. Auray proved to be a wretched place. No postchaises to be hired, and obliged to send to Vannes for one, which did not arrive till next day; when the party reached that town, late in the evening. Dr. Franklin, in the little journal he kept, and from which the above details are taken, adds: "The carriage was a miserable one, with tired horses, the evening dark, scarce a traveller but ourselves on the road; and to make it more comfortable, the driver stopped near a wood we were to pass through, to tell us that a gang of eighteen robbers infested that wood, who but two weeks ago had robbed and murdered some travellers on that very spot." The same journal contains the following remark, "December 6. On the road yesterday," (travelling to Nantes,) "we met six or seven country-women, in company, on horseback and astride: they were all of fair white and red complexions, but one among them was the fairest woman I ever beheld. Most of the men have good complexions, not swarthy like those of the North of France, in which I remember that, except about Abbeville, I saw few fair people." him on his safe arrival, expressing great satis faction, as they were warm friends to America, and hoped his being in France would be of advantage to the American cause, &c. &c. A magnificent supper closed the evening. Being much fatigued and weakened by the voyage and journey, Dr. Franklin was persuaded to remain some time at M. Gruel's country house, where he was elegantly and commodiously lodged: his strength, indeed, was not equal to an immediate journey to Paris. During his stay at M. Gruel's he was in hopes of living retired, but the house was almost always full of visiters; from whom, however, much useful information was obtained respecting the state of affairs at court, and the character of persons in power, &c. Dr. Franklin also learnt with great satisfaction, that a supply had been obtained from the French government, of two hundred brass field-pieces, thirty thousand firelocks, and some other military stores; which were then shipping for America, and would be convoyed by a ship of war. Dr. Franklin at that time did not assume any public character, thinking it prudent first to know whether the court was ready and willing to receive publicly commissioners from the congress; and that he might neither embarrass the ministry on the one hand, nor subject himself and his colleagues to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other, he dispatched an express to Mr. Deane, then in Paris, with the letters he had for him from the committee of congress, and a copy of their joint commission, that he might make the proper inquiries, and give him the necessary information: meantime it was generally supposed at Nantes that Dr. Franklin was sent to negotiate, and that opinion appeared to give great pleasure. On the 15th December, Dr. Franklin left Nantes, and shortly after arrived safely at Paris, where he continued to reside till the 7th January following, when he removed with his family to Passy, (a village beautifully situated about a league from the capital,) and took up his abode in a large and handsome house, with extensive gardens, belonging to Mons. Le Ray de Chaumont, a great and useful friend to the American cause: here Dr. Franklin continued during the whole of his residence in France-being about eight years and a half. 1 The following extracts from letters written by him to one of his intimate friends, shortly after his arrival in Paris, fully show his sentiments relative to the state of American politics at that period, and furnish some insight as to the nature of his mission to France. "To Dr. Ingenhauz. Arriving at Nantes on the 7th December, a grand dinner was prepared on the occasion by some friends of America, at which Dr. Franklin was present, and in the afternoon went to meet a large party at the country seat of monsieur Gruel, a short distance from town, where crowds of visiters came to compliment great zeal and sincerity to prevent the breach I long laboured in England with |