to the several colonies, stating the causes | kind, Thomas Jefferson, then one of the rewhich rendered it necessary that all authority presentatives in congress for Virginia: as a under the crown should be totally suppressed, document of considerable interest and curiand all the powers of government taken res- osity, and as a monument of one of the most pectively into their own hands. In support important political events in which Dr. Frankof this position, they instanced the prohibitory lin was concerned, it is here noticed. act, by which they were excluded from the protection of the crown; the rejection of their petitions for redress of grievances, and a reconciliation; and the intended exertion of all the force of Great Britain, aided by foreign mercenaries, for their destruction. In the beginning of this year, 1776, an act of the British parliament passed, to prohibit and restrain, on the one hand, the trade and intercourse of the refractory colonies, respectively, during their revolt; and on the other hand, to enable persons appointed by the British king to grant pardons, and declare any particular district in the king's peace, &c. Lord Howe (who had been previously ap pointed commander of the British fleet in North America) was, on May 3, declared joint commissioner with his brother general Howe, for the latter purposes of the act. He sailed May 12, and while off the coast of Massachusetts, prepared a declaration, announcing this commission, and accompanied it with circular letters. At length this important question was discussed in congress, and at a time when the fleets and armies which were sent to enforce obedience, were truly formidable. The debate continued for several days, and the scheme encountered great opposition from several distinguished orators. Eventually, however, notwithstanding all the disadvantages the country then laboured under, from an army ignorant of discipline, and entirely unskilled in the art of war;-without a fleetwithout allies and with nothing but the love Lord Howe took occasion to publish every of liberty to support them; the colonies, by where, that he had proposals to make on the their representatives in congress, determined part of Great Britain, tending to peace and to separate from a country which had added reconciliation, and that he was ready to cominjury to insult, and disregarded all the pacific municate them. He, at the same time, perovertures they had made to it. On this ques-mitted the American general, Sullivan, to go tion Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favour of the measure proposed, and used all his great influence in bringing others over to his opinion. The public mind, which had already been drawn that way by the manifesto of congress, was now confirmed in its decision, by the appearance of Paine's celebrated pamphlet, "Common Sense ;" and there is good reason to believe, that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share, at least in furnishing materials for that work.* on his parole, and give this intelligence to congress: he hoped, by this means, to create divisions in that body, and throughout the country. The congress were of opinion, the admiral could have no terms to offer, but such as the act of parliament empowered him to offer, which were, PARDON upon submission; yet as the people might imagine more, and be uneasy if he was not heard, they appointed three of their body, Messrs. Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, to meet him. His lordship chose Staten Island, which was in possession of the English troops, for the place of conference. The committee being arrived at Amboy, a small town in New Jersey, opposite to the island, and in possession of the Americans, the admiral sent over his barge to receive and bring them to him, and This public record, the first declaration of to leave one of his principal officers as a hostthe rights of a people to establish, and if ne-age for their safe return. The committee of cessary to their happiness, to abrogate their own form of government, and to hold the sovereignty inalienably in the people, was produced in a committee of three members of congress; it was definitively drafted (and adopted, with a few slight alterations) by that eminent patriot, philosopher, and friend of man It was on the 4th day of July, 1776, that the thirteen English colonies in America declared themselves free and independent states, and by an act of congress abjured all allegiance to the British crown, and renounced all political connection with Great Britain. *Thomas Paine did not affect any reserve on this point; without any inquiry on the subject, he stated to the writer of this note, that the suggestion of the papers, Common Sense, was made to him by Dr. Frank: lin; and that the fulness of his ideas were such, that after a conversation with him, his own mind was so much excited, that he could not but communicate the spirit of the conversation in his essays: he also said that one or two papers were revised by the doctor, but with very few alterations. VOL. I....S 12 congress had not desired a hostage, and they therefore took the officer back with them. The admiral met them at their landing, and conducted them through his guards to a convenient room for conference: he was surprised at their confidence, in bringing back his hostage; and more, at the little estimation in which they appeared to hold his offers of pardon, and of inquiring into grievances. He seemed to have flattered himself, that the congress, humbled by their late losses, would have been submissive and compliant: he found himself mistaken. The committee told him firmly, that if he had nothing else to propose, he was come too late: the humble petitions of congress had been rejected with contempt; of influence in the colonies upon the terms, independence was now declared, and the new | but also to effect a lasting peace and re-union government formed. And when, in endea- between the two countries; were the temper vouring to cajole them, he expressed his "af- of the colonies such as professed in the last fection for America, his concern in viewing petition of the congress to the king. Ameher dangerous situation, and said that to see rica would have judged in the discussion how her fall would give him the same pain as to far the means were adequate to the end; both see a brother fall;" they answered, that it was for engaging her confidence and proving kind, but America would endeavour to spare our integrity. Nor did I think it necessary him that pain. to say more in my public declaration; not conceiving it could be understood to refer to peace, on any other conditions but those of mutual interest to both countries, which could alone render it permanent. They returned and reported the conference to congress, who published it, and the people were satisfied that they had no safety but in arins. Part of the correspondence between lord Howe and Dr. Franklin on this occasion, and the joint report of the American commissioners on the result of their mission, was published; the first letter of lord Howe and the answer of the doctor, have been already published; but the reply of lord Howe, and the following prefatory note, by doctor Franklin, have not appeared before the present time. "But as I perceive, from the tenor of your letter, how little I am to reckon upon the advantage of your assistance for restoring that permanent union which has long been the object of my endeavours, and which I flattered myself when I left England, would be in the compass of my power; I will only add, that as the dishonour to which you deem me exposed by my military situation in this country, has effected no change in your sentiments of personal regard towards me, so shall no difference in political points alter my desire of proving how much I am your sincere and obedient humble servant, HOWE." To the same. EAGLE, June 20, 1776. These letters were published in London, to show the insolence of the insurgents, in refusing the offer of pardon upon submission made to them by the British plenipotentiaries. They undoubtedly deserve the attention of the public for another reason, the proof they afford that the commerce of America is deemed by the ministry themselves of such vast importance, as to justify the horrid and ex- "I CANNOT, my worthy friend, permit the pensive war they are now waging, to main- letters and parcels, which I have sent (in the tain the monopoly of it; that being the prin-state I received them) to be landed, without cipal cause stated by lord Howe; though their adding a word upon the subject of the injupensioned writers and speakers in parliament rious extremities in which our unhappy dishave affected to treat that commerce as a putes have engaged us. trifle. And they demonstrate further, of how "You will learn the nature of my mission, much importance it is to the rest of Europe, from the official despatches, which I have rethat the continuance of that monopoly should commended to be forwarded by the same conbe obstructed, and the general freedom of veyance. Retaining all the earnestness I trade, now offered by the Americans, pre- ever expressed, to see our differences accomserved; since, by no other means, the enor-modated; I shall conceive, if I meet with mous growing power of Britain, both by sea and land, so formidable to her neighbours, and which must follow her success, can possibly be prevented. "To Dr. Franklin. EAGLE, off Staten Island, August 16, 1776. "I am sorry, my worthy friend, that it is only on the assurances you give me, of my having still preserved a place in your esteem, that I can now found a pretension to trouble you with a reply to your favour of the 21st, past. "I can have no difficulty to acknowledge, that the powers I am invested with, were never calculated to negotiate a re-union with America, under any other description than as subject to the crown of Great Britain: but I do esteem those powers competent, not only to confer and negotiate with any gentlemen the disposition in the colonies which I was once taught to expect, the most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of the king's paternal solicitude, by promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies. But if the deep-rooted prejudices of America, and the necessity of preventing her trade from passing into foreign channels, must keep us still a divided people; I shall, from every private as well as public motive, most heartily lament, that this is not the moment wherein those great objects of my ambition are to be attained; and that I am to be longer deprived of an opportunity, to assure you personally of the regard with which I am your sincere and faithful humble servant, HOWE "P.S. I was disappointed of the opportunity I expected for sending this letter, at the time it was dated; and have ever since been prevented by calms and contrary winds from 66 getting here, to inform general Howe of the "Dr. Franklin to Lord Howe. "PHILADELPHIA, July 30, 1776. MY LORD,-I received, safe, the letters your lordship so kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my thanks. alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such powers. Your nation, though, by punishing those American governors who have fomented the discord, rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing as far as possible the mischiefs done us, she might recover a great share of our regard, and the greatest share of our growing commerce, with all the advantages of that additional strength, to be derived from a friendship with us; yet I know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom, to believe she will ever take such salutary measures. Her fondness for con"The official dispatches to which you request as a warlike nation; her lust of domifer me, contain nothing more than what we nion as an ambitious one; and her thirst for a had seen in the act of parliament, viz. Offers gainful monopoly as a commercial one (none of pardon upon submission;' which I was of them legitimate causes of war) will join to sorry to find; as it must give your lordship hide from her eyes every view of her true pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a bu- interest, and continually goad her on in these ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and of treasure, that they must prove as pernicious to her in the end, as the Croisades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe. siness. "Directing pardons to be offered to the colonies, who are the very parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness, and insensibility, which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other effect than that of increasing our resentments. It is impossible we should think of submission to a government, that has, with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burned our defenceless towns in the midst of winter; excited the savages to massacre our (peaceful) farmers; instigated our slaves to murder their masters; and is even now* bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries have extinguished every spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear: but were it possible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the British nation) to forgive the people you have so heavily injured; you can never confide again in those as fellow-subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom You know you have given such just causes of lasting enmity; and this must impel you, Were we again under your government, to endeavour the breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstructing by every means in your power our growing strength and prosperity. "But your lordship mentions 'the king's paternal solicitude for promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the colonies' If by peace is here meant, a peace to be entered into by distinct states, now at War; and his majesty has given your lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may venture to say, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpose not quite impracticable, before we enter into foreign *About this time the Hessians, &c. had arrived from Europe, and were landed at Staten Island and New York. "I have not the vanity, my lord, to think of intimidating, by thus predicting the effects of this war; for I know it will in England have the fate of all my former predictions; not to be believed till the event shall verify it. 66 Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble porcelain vase-the British empire; for I knew that being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength and value that existed in the whole; and that a perfect re-union of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remember the tears of joy that wetted my cheek, when, at your good sister's in London, you once gave me expectations, that a reconciliation might soon take place. I had the misfortune to find these expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was labouring to prevent. consolation under that groundless and malevolent treatment, was, that I retained the friendship of many wise and good men in that country; and among the rest, some share in the regard of lord Howe. My "The well-founded esteem, and permit me to say affection, which I shall always have for your lordship, make it painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which (as described in your letter) is the necessity of preventing the American trade from passing into foreign channels.' To me it seems, that neither the obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce, are the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and |
