truly and Modely's purse is dictator.' Is he the patronOf his lordship? most assuredly.'

"Pen looked astonished, but said nothing. At length, Lady Bab Cento, in passing to her carriage, which had just been announced in thunder, and re-echoed up the vaulted staircase, repeated her hope of being honoured by Mr Pen Owen's attendance at her select parties; to which he bowed in silence, and again turning to his Asmodeus, observed, that if what his friend had said were true, this lady, with all her preten. sions, formed her judgment only at second hand.

"There again, at your old Grub-Street notions. We have now everything at second hand, except our clothes, and there lies the important change in the constitution of society. Do you think, if this woman judged for herself, she wouldn't have found you out at dinner?' 'I doubt whether she would,' said Pen, laughing; but I am such a novice, that I should hardly suppose a professed critic, and patron of letters, would openly borrow the scales in which others had placed the weights. You haven't hit the figure; justice was running in your head, whilst instinct would have better suggested the expedient.' 'Instinct! as how, pray?' Do you remember the proboscis of the gadfly dissected by the microscopic skill of our friend Dr Micronous?" Pen laughed. These arbiters of taste,' continued Sparkle, possess the same sort of organs; and, like the doctor's, their greatest ingenuity is displayed in keeping them out of sight. I'm too dull to comprehend you,' sighed Pen. And too blind to see Micronous's Tabanus without an instrument, but I am behind the scenes, and will be your microscope. Drawers of water and hewers of wood are, in spite of their ancient origin, still low-lived beings; but there are fetchers and carriers of another description, who sleep on down and live on the fat of the land. These are your male and female antennæ, or feelers, which are thrown out before our great devourers of authors, to pick up, and convey all the literary, political, and private gossip, spread over the surface of the town. Why, sir, there's not a good thing uttered, or a faux pas committed, between Westminster and Hyde-Park Corner, in the morning, that isn't carefully docketted, and laid by for use in the common-place books and escrutoires of these literary cormorants by the evening. The opinions of A, B, and C, upon a new play, a new poem, or a new pamphlet, are safely lodged in this choice repertory, before there is a chance of one of those learned arbiters of taste being committed by an unwary criticism. Sometimes, indeed, upon a sudden defect or stoppage in these sources, an unfortunate question may be unexpectedly started; and as prompt decision is the very quintessence of superior

judgment, an answer most be returned. The great resources on these occasions are found to be an oracular ambiguity on the part of the presiding divinity, or an opinion which, with a little ingenuity, may be subsequently twisted in any manner most suitable to existing circumstances; such as, I have merely looked it over-I hardly know what to say-there are certainly some good things; or, I know something of the author, and it would not be fair to influence public opinion one way or another.' Thus, by an admirable display of cautious criticism and polished candour, his lordship or her ladyship is enabled to take advantage of the first wind that blows, in order to sail with the general current.' And is Lady Bab a woman of character? That is rather a Gothic question; but I will tell you in confidence, she is a very phoenix of chastity, and therefore consumes the character of every other woman in the flame of her own purity!" 'I mean to ask, is she a moral woman?" "Why, as to morality, brother Joseph," a woman who has no feeling to gratify, but that of personal vanity and ambition, to which she would sacrifice every tie in life, has little merit in preserving a decorum she has no temptation to infringe, and which it would be ruinous to outrage. I never heard that she committed murder, or even petty larceny, except on literary subjects; but I believe it would be equally difficult to detect a single act of real charity or benevolence.' may write her own epitaph for me,' cried Pen, indignantly. She has done that al

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'She

ready; and if not framed, glazed, and hung over the parlour chimney, like that of Goody Primrose, it is at least fairly tran scribed upon smooth vellum paper, and decorated with stamp allegories of her implied virtues.' What! an epitaph before death!" It is on her virtues,' returned Tom, laughing."

These two extracts must be quite enough to satisfy any one who has any thoughts of seeing the book itself. We cannot answer quite so effectually the demand of those, who, when they receive this Number of Maga on the Banks of Indus or Ganges, or Oxley, wish to God (after coming thus far) we had sent them the three volumes of Pen Owen along with it. Indeed, we cannot pretend to give them any thing more than a slight snatch of the delight which, in its fulness, awaits lumes. But we can afford to extract the perusers of these worshipful voone more passage, and in doing so, we shall take care to select one, which he that handles Pen Owen himself hereafter, will not grudge reading a second time-no, nor a tenth time; and which our readers, whether they are or are

been playing the courtier and sycophant, and must continue to do so, to please and pamper the prejudices and passions of his constituents. Such a man is a slave to one small faction of the nation, and shackled in his efforts to benefit the whole. If he is sincere in the proffers he makes, (alas! how seldom,) and in the gross flatteries he bestows upon them, he is fitter for a courtier than the legislator of an extensive empire: if he is acting the bypocrite with them to gain a seat, he is capable of any baseness to turn that seat to his own profit. The man who pays his money for what you gentlemen call a rotten borough, may be a rogue; but, at least, he has not proved himself one by previous practice. He may, like the other, hypocritically profess patriotism, to further his own selfish ends; but he has not previously cajoled and cheated his electors, as an earnest of his talent at manœuvering.'

And you call this man a representative ?' I do, sir, in the strictest sense of the word. A member of the British Parliament is not a DELEGATE. When a man once passes the threshold of the Commons House of England, he represents the Commons at large, and not a particular county or district. He may, from circumstances, have local interests to guard, but even a turnpike bill, or an enclosure, interesting alone to his constituents, can but command his solitary vote. It is the country,-the majority of the representatives of the whole empire, that must decide its adoption or rejection. If it were otherwise, a member of Parliament would resemble a satarap or governor of a district, and his constituents would become eventually little better than the slaves of the soil. Each would be absorbed in the petty interests and cabals of his particular charge; and being responsible to his constituents, rather than to his countrymen at large, his public conduct without a check, and his private intrigues beyond the reach of investigation, a power unknown to the institutions of a free state, would be engendered and fostered in every corner of the empire. County would be bfound jobbing against county,borough against borough; and the practised politician might, by turns, bribe and sell his constituents, with whose local interests he would thus so identify himself as at length to render a separation on their part impolitic, if not impracticable.'— This is all wild-all abroad, sir.' • Wild! is it so, wild, as to suppose that you can check corruption, by extending the means to corrupt? or that by opening the doors to sharpers and adventurers, you can cleanse and purify a legislature, composed (no matter how) of all the prominent talent and professional wisdom of the country; of the most distinguished representatives of the landed, the commercial, and trading interests; and altogether of those who bear the

Shew me any authority, prescriptive or practical, and I will admit the fact, however disposed to deny its expediency.'

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At least, it is generally so believed; and at all events, you will not deny that the right of voting has been shamefully infringed upon.' I do deny it, sir; and upon authority you cannot dispute. When the elective franchise was limited to forty shilling freeholds, the GREAT BODY OF THE PEOPLE were excluded from the right al together; for forty shillings, at that period, were at least equal to as many pounds of our present money, and the change has operated to extend the franchise to thousands, who, without this nominal change in the value of money, would by the constitution have had no vote at all.' 'I know nothing about that,' returned the stranger, in rather a subdued tone; I am only interested in what concerns the present day; and thousands who have the right of voting are excluded by the tricks and knavery of those who have power to keep us down. I have shewn, I think,' continued Pen, that they have no right; for natural rights, as you reformers call every wild demand for a participation of power, cannot be abstractedly considered, or applied to a state existing under fixed laws and established compact. But this is from the point; I would limit myself to present evils, which you affirm to exist, and the existence of which, until you produce proofs stronger than mere assertion, I must still deny. What have you to say,-not theoretically, but practically,--against the description of men, (subject, I admit, to human infirmities, and not without exceptions,) who at this present moment constitute the legislative body?' Including in their number the whole host of boroughmongers I see no ground of exclusion. Why, sir,' cried Pen, raising his voice, as was his father's practice, when he supposed an assertion might be mistaken for a paradox; why, sir, I have no hesitation in saying, that the objects, abstractedly considered, for which parliaments are constituted, would be fully accomplished, if the electors of Northumberland were to choose representatives for London, or those of Westminster to return members for Cornwall. All local interests, by the spirit of the English constitution,which is, after all, the depositary and the aggregate of the good sense and sound experience of successive generations,--are to merge, and

ge, in the general in as each individual in ecessarily sacrifice a portion pendence to secure the liberty of Cuom, cuom, now,' interrupted de grazier, that would be a strange soit, howsomever; a caunt consent to that by no manner o' means. I maun chuse my oune parliament, man, cuom what wullI don't know where the deuce the gentleman is running,' cried the stranger. I run at nothing, sir,' answered Pen. • I have asserted, and do assert again, that the mere mode of election is a matter of comparative indifference; I say comparative, so long as the property of the country is duly represented; so long as the representatives of that property, in some shape or another, are sent to parliament. As to the qualities and principles of men, they will differ as much after your projected reforms as before, and will so continue to do until human nature itself be reformed. Common safety is the real bond of political union; and those who possess property, individually, will be most anxious to preserve property, upon the whole.' Why is property,' demanded his opponent- why is property to be the only thing represented? Simply because property is the first thing to be secured upon a permanent basis; for without this, liberty can be nothing but licentiousness.' And so the rich are everlastingly to grind the poor?' How that follows, I am at a loss to conceive,' replied Pen, who began to grow warm in his subject, unless you conclude government under every form to be a tyranny.' 'Pretty near the mark,' retorted the stranger. Then we need argue no further, sir,' cried Pen, starting upon his legs; if you understand the force of your inference, you are the advocate of pure anarchy; and none but a madman will reason from such premises.' I mean---I mean no such thing, sir; it is you that are the madman, I think.' • Sir!' exclaimed Pen. I mean no offence, sir; but when you talk of the electors of Westminster electing members for Cornwall, and at a sweep get rid of the glorious franchise of- Psha, sir! you confound hypothesis with argumnent. I never meant to recommend such a measure, but to illustrate my opinion that even such a mode of election would be more consonant with the first principles of the constitution than your bewildering chimera of universal suffrage.' Right is right, sir; every man has a right to vote for representatives in parliament. Pray, sir, may I ask where you find this right?" In the constitution.' • In the clouds! Shew me, sir, something more tangible; shew it me in the practice of the constitution. It needs no shewing; it is among the first rights of man.' So is eating his brother, if he be strong enough to slaughter him; if not, he must submit to be caten

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"Why should the same excesses follow from a reform in this country? Because the same causes will generally produce the same effects; because, in the present inoment, the cause is advocated upon the same principles, appeals to the same dangerous passions of man, and opens the same means of gratifying them; because, erroneous as was the principle upon which those men acted, many good, honest, and patriotic individuals, were sincere in their adoption of them. Whereas there is not one, no, sir, not one, among the present leaders of popular delusion, who does not anticipate general havoc and destruction, which the others never contemplated; who does not look to revolution when he cries REFORM? They only hoped to effect reform, when they found themselves plunged in REVOLUTION.' It is'nt fair, sir, to stigmatize, in this sweeping manner, thousands of your countrymen.' 'I would say the same if they were my brothers, and merited it as truly,' answered Pen, coolly.

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"The short of the matter, then, is, sir,' said the stranger, you would have no reform at all.' I object to reform no where, sir,' replied Pen, when it is necessary; but I must be convinced of its necessity by better arguments than I have heard to night, before I give my voice to so hazardous an experiment.' Necessity! why, hav'nt you yourself admitted the fact, that seats in parliament are bought and sold; and what have you urged in defence of it?

moonshine an opinion-Moonshine,--my opinion, sir! Are you aware

No offence, no offence intended; but opinions are but opinions, and, as you yourself observed just now, cannot weigh against facts.' Facts! true; but you must call your facts by their right names.' They are still facts, call them as we will; but let that pass. I only ask you, sir, why a few great overgrown landholders are to monopolize all power, and grind down the great mass of the people, as if they were mere slaves of the soil?' I should rather ask you to prove your fact, before I can be called upon to account for it.' Who are our law-makers, but those imperious lords who combine to rivet our chains?' They may be law-makers, without either impo sing chains or rivetting them; but, perhaps, by this pretty figure of speech, you design to represent the laws altogether• The laws in these hands I certainly do

Then, sir, we understand each other. You would prove that anarchy is preferable to any regular form of government, and it