acted in concert with, and never in opposition to the states; this man had it in his power to arm his ambition, or his vengeance, with the sword of justice; he could give a legal sanction to tumult, and make trifles appear of serious importance; the most vapid declamation, he could convert into the gravest denunciation, and, in a word, could assist the party that he chose to espouse, with the whole artillery of decrees, and arrets, which may be regarded as the ultima ratio of Parliaments, on the same principle as canons are the ultima ratio of Kings. The instant such a man took part in the dispute, it might well be expected that the whole province would be as immediately thrown into universal confusion. In the year 1764, the first of these characters, whom I have just described, the commandant of Bretagne, a peer of France, grand-nephew of Cardinal Richelieu, nephew of the then minister, and finally the friend of the Jesuits, and in great favour with the Dauphin, was denounced in the Parliament of Bretagne, by the Procureur-general, just arrived from Versailles; this man, who was the ardent enemy of the Society, was also the devoted agent of the King's mistress, and of the first minister, who were leagued together to bring about the destruction of that monastic order. The principal grievance in this complaint of the Procureur General was founded upon an undertaking relative to the public roads, for which travellers have ever since heard the people of Bretagne extol the name of this Commandant. It was not, therefore, to be wondered at, that the Parliament which, upon such a pretext, had filed an information against the representative of the Sovereign, should be ordered to Versailles to receive a severe reprimand. This body returned to Rennes, to declare, according to the custom recently adopted by these courts, that it no longer continued its functions. All the magistrates gave in their resignation together, and justice was no longer dispensed to the people of Bretagne. On a sudden, seditious libels were seized; correspondences were intercepted; the handwriting of several anonymous letters was supposed to be recognised, that reflected upon, and even threatened, the Sovereign himself. It was pretended, that a plot of confederacy had been entered into by all the Parliaments against the authority of the crown. The same Procu reur-general, who had accused the Commissary of the King before the Parliament of Rennes, was himself impeached in the King's name before a commission of the Council. He was confined with his son, and three counsellors of the same Parliament. This was just about the time when the Parliament of Paris was occupied in giving judgment upon the sieges and battles of India. It was looked upon as a mere trifle, that a lettre de cachet should have shut up for fifteen months, in the Bastile, this General and his staff, without granting them a trial. It was considered as of very small consequence, that two of the chambers of this Parliament should be converted into a courtmartial, to pronounce on accusations as foreign in their nature, to their jurisdiction, as to the course of their studies. Yet this same Parliament could raise a violent outcry about two Procureurs-general, and three counsellors, being placed in a fortified castle, and denied the privilege of being tried by their Peers. Try them, then, yourselves," said Govern ment to their colleagues, who had thus given in their resignations," re-assume your functions, "for their sake, for your own, and that of those "who are under your jurisdiction." "No," answered these colleagues, "we will "not try them, neither will we try any one; "we have resigned, and persist in our resigna"tion." In consequence of this answer, another commission was established at Rennes, to supply the place of those who had withdrawn themselves from their public duties. The former of these two commissions left Paris in haste, lest an arret of Parliament should be issued against them; the other resolved to do no more than empty the prisons of Rennes, thronged as they were in consequence of the long lapse of justiciary procedure. When these commissioners arrived there, they found two hundred and thirty-five prisoners, thrown into dark and infectious dungeons, and all, according to the custom of the country, chained to the floor by rings of iron fastened to a staple. At the expiration of five weeks, one hundred and fixteen of these poor wretches were tried, and only one executed. But the deputation persisted in de claring, that they were not authorised to decide in civil causes, or to try the confined magistrates. A new Parliament of Bretagne, formed by the address of the Commandant, with part of the old one, declared itself without powers to judge its former colleagues. A fresh order was issued to the judges of the privy council, then at St. Malos, to draw up and decide definitively upon the trial in question. Again refusal was the result; but, that this body might not appear to reject the order absolutely, they drew up a few preliminary instructions, and then separated.Thus the King was not able to find judges who would proceed against other judges accused of having offended his person, conspired against his authority, and set a part of his kingdom in a flame. All the Parliaments of France, one after the other, took up the defence of the accused persons belonging to this one. All the classes also vied with each other, which should issue the strongest arrets, and make the most resolute remonstrances. Those, however, of Paris were the most remarkable. Intent upon adopting the system of lenity, with regard to the twelve Par |