the Parliament of Bretagne. All, even the Court of Aids, proud of the illustrious name of Lamoignon, and of the genius of Malesherbes, who were at their head, conceived the idea of requiring of the King a severe punishment of the Commanders who had executed his orders, and of denouncing to the nation the abuses of the Royal authority*. The King, at a loss how to act, went to the Parliament of Paris, and held the famous sitting of the Sd of March 1766, called the flagellation. Every thing hastened to a total disunion. The Magistracy of France was at open war with the King, the Church, and the army. In this state of trouble and confusion it was an extraordinary circumstance, that Louis XV. in his heart was often as much in opposition to his Ministry as to his Courts "And, moreover, that the said our Sovereign Lord the "King be implored, to grant to the whole body of magis"tracy, the justice due to it for the unheard-of violences com"mitted against several of the courts of his kingdom, and "to free his people from their apprehensions, who, being "witnesses of the excesses perpetrated against the magistrates, "foresee too plainly what they have to expect, if such abuses of "the military authority be not restrained and corrected by "the severest punishment." Registered Arret of the Court of Aids, upon the Edict and Declaration of 1764, for the Discharge of the Debts of the State. Revolution of the Parliaments. of Justice; that one part of that Ministry were friendly to the Parliaments, while the other were hostile to them; and that the first President, Meaupou, put on the Chancellor's robe only for the destruction of the Parliament which he left, and the overthrow of the Ministry which he entered. This revolution, for such it was in the fullest sense of the word, was not long before it broke out. It was brought on by a series and complication of disorders, the bare mention of which is enough to have made any person of observation foresee all the miseries that threatened France: and we cannot pass them over without giving at least a sketch of them. The French themselves have forgotten the concatenation of those facts, and to other nations they were scarcely ever known. Bretagne. This province, which in the midst of a great empire had the appearance of being a small state by itself, preserving, in their full force, all its conventions, its representative assemblies, its right of framing its own taxation, and of making its own assessments; in a word, having the power of governing itself. This province, dis tinguished for the unmixed race, courage, patriotism, and union of its inhabitants, but not unfrequently disquieted by the effervescence of their passions, the rigid systems of their public economy, and their jealousy of their independence. This ancient Armorique, called in modern ages Bretagne, a country which, even in the most tranquil times, could not be governed but with difficulty, was for six years one great theatre of political insubordination, popular hatred, ecclesiastical, ministerial, judiciary, and fiscal intrigues, too numerous for any one to be able to particularize them. These troubles, as far as they proceeded from the naturally restless spirits of the people, might easily have been calmed. But this unhappy country was heated by the passions of others, and was torn to pieces by interests, which, so far from participating in, it did not even suspect. At first, having been divided both in public opinion, and in the private sentiments of individuals, with respect to the important subject of the Jesuits, it offered, between two parties that nearly balanced each other, a rallying point to all those individuals, who, dispersed in different parts of the kingdom, were desirous of embracing, with activity, one opinion other. And, moreover, having at the head of its government, and in its magistracy, men whom their names, their talents, and their professed aim had marked out for the first situations in the kingdom, it bore in its bosom, unknown to itself, the hidden springs of all the ambitious designs of the moment. Through its medium the respective parties were anxious to keep what they had, or to acquire more; to form connections, or to keep off competitors. On the same ground, they at different times endeavoured to rouze, to combat, to form, or to mislead the public opinion; to solicit, to discourage, or to force, as a matter of necessity, the choice of a leader; and it is a fact, that the opposite parties at Versailles contended with each other for the ministry, on that great theatre of the states, and within the bar of the Parliament of Rennes. Every one pursued his purpose according to his opportunities, his character, and his power. That zealous commandant, profound politician, and impetuous The spirit, the Duke D'Aiguillon, had in view the D'Aiguil- welfare of the country, the reputation of government, the unrestrained sway of authority, and the complete riddance of every obstacle: it was Duke lon. Duke de evident that the transports of gratitude, which lotais. |