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long subsisted, and is so necessary to the prosperity and happiness of all your Majesty's subjects in every part of your extensive dominions; which, that heaven may preserve entire to your Majesty and your descendants, is the sincere prayer of your Majesty's most dutiful subjects and ser

vants.

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD DARTMOUTH, &c. MY LORD,

Being deeply apprehensive of the impending calamities that threaten the nation and its colonies through the present unhappy dissensions, I have attentively considered by what possible means those calamities may be prevented. The great importance of a business which concerns us all, will, I hope, in some degree excuse me to your lordship, if I presume unasked to offer my humble opinion, that should his Majesty think fit to authorise delegates from the several provinces to meet at such convenient time and place, as in his wisdom shall seem meet, then and there to confer with a commissioner or commissioners to be appointed and empowered by his Majesty, on the means of establishing a firm and lasting union between Britain and the American provinces, such a measure might be effectual for that purpose. I cannot therefore but wish it may be adopted, as no one can more ardently and sincerely desire the general

prosperity of the British dominions, than, my lord, your lordship's most obedient, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

REMARKS ON THE PROPOSITIONS.

Art. 1. In consequence of that engagement all the Boston and Massachusetts acts to be suspended, and in compliance with that engagement to be totally repealed.

By this amendment article 4th will become unnecessary.

Art. 4. and 5. The numerous petitions heretofore sent home by the colony assemblies, and either refused to be received, or received and neglected, or answered harshly, and the petitioners rebuked for making them, have, I conceive, totally discouraged that method of application; and if even their friends were now to propose to them the recurring again to petitioning, such friends would be thought to trifle with them. Besides, all they desire is now before government in the petition of the congress, and the whole or parts may be granted or refused at pleasure. The sense of the colonies cannot be better obtained by petition from different colonies, than it is by that general petition.

Art. 7. Read, such as they may think neces+ sary.

Art. 11. As it stands, of little importance. The first proposition was, that they should be repealed

as unjust. But they may remain, for they will probably not be executed.

Even with the amendment proposed above to article 1. I cannot think it stands as it should do. If the object be merely the preventing present bloodshed, and the other mischiefs to fall on that country in war, it may possibly answer that end; but if a thorough hearty reconciliation is wished for, all cause of heart-burning should be removed, and strict justice be done on both sides. Thus the tea should not only be paid for on the side of Boston, but the damage done to Boston by the port act should be repaired, because it was done contrary to the custom of all nations, savage as well as civilised, of first demanding satisfaction.

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Art. 14. The judges should receive nothing from the king.

As to the other two acts; the Massachusetts must suffer all the hazards and mischiefs of war, rather than admit the alteration of their charters and laws by parliament. They who can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety."

66

HINTS.

B. FRANKLIN.

I doubt the regulating duties will not be accepted, without enacting them, and having the power of appointing the collectors in the colonies.

If we mean a hearty reconciliation, we must deal candidly, and use no tricks.

The assemblies are many of them in a state of dissolution. It will require time to make new elections; then to meet and choose delegates, supposing all could meet. But the assembly of the Massachusetts Bay cannot act under the new constitution, or meet the new council for that purpose, without acknowledging the power of parliament to alter their charter, which they never will do. The language of the proposal is, Try on your fetters first, and then, if you don't like them, petition and we will consider.

Establishing salaries for judges may be a general law. For governors not so, the constitution of colonies differing. It is possible troops may be sent to particular provinces, to burthen them when they are out of favor.

Canada. We cannot endure despotism over any of our fellow-subjects. We must all be free, or none.

That afternoon I received the following note from Mrs. Howe, enclosing another from Lord Howe, viz.

MRS. HOWE'S compliments to Dr. Franklin; she has just received the enclosed note from Lord Howe, and hopes it will be convenient to him to come to her either to-morrow or Sunday, at any hour most convenient to him, which she begs he will be so good to name.

Grafton Street, Friday, Feb. 17, 1775.

[Enclosed in the foregoing.]

TO THE HONORABLE MRS. HOWE.

I WISH you to procure me an oppor

tunity to see Dr. Franklin at your house tomorrow, or on Sunday morning, for an essential

purpose.

Grafton Street, Friday, 4 o'clock.

Received Friday, 5 o'clock, Feb. 17, 1775.

I had not heard from his lordship for some time, and readily answered, that I would do myself the honor of waiting upon him at her house to-morrow at 11 o'clock.

Mr. Barclay, Dr. Fothergill, and myself, met according to appointment at the Doctor's house. I delivered to them the REMARKS I had made on the paper, and we talked them over. I read also the sketches I had made of the petitions and memorials; but they being of opinion that the repeal of none of the Massachusetts' acts could be obtained by my engaging to pay for the tea, the Boston port act excepted, and I insisting on a repeal of all, otherwise declining to make the offer, that measure was deferred for the present, and I pocketed my draughts. They concluded, however, to report my sentiments, and see if any further concession could be obtained. They observed, too, that I had signed my remarks; on which I said, that understanding by other means, as well

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