In June, 1774, a general congress of deputies from all the colonies, began to be universally looked forward to. This had a year before been suggested by Dr. Franklin, in a letter to the Hon. Thomas Cushing, Esq. dated July 7, 1773, in which he says, " But as the strength of an empire depends not only on the union of its parts, but on `their readiness for united exertion of their common force; and as the discussion of rights may seem unseasonable in the commencement of actual war, and the delay it might occasion be prejudicial to the common welfare; as, likewise, the refusal of one or a few colonies, would not be so much regarded if the others granted liberally, which perhaps by various artifices and motives they might be prevailed on to do; and as this want of concert would defeat the expectation of general redress, that otherwise might be justly formed; perhaps it would be best and fairest for the colonies, in a GENERAL CONGRESS, now in peace to be assembled, (or by means of the correspondence lately proposed,) after a full and solemn assertion and declaration of their RIGHTS, to engage firmly with each other, that they will never grant aids to the crown in any general war, till those rights are recognised by the king and both houses of parliament; communicating to the crown this their resolution. Such a step, I imagine, will bring the dispute to a crisis; and whether our demands are immediately com

plied with, or compulsory measures thought of to make us rescind them, our ends will finally be obtained; for even the odium accompanying such compulsory attempts, will contribute to unite and strengthen us; and, in the mean time, all the world will allow that our proceeding has been honorable."

Such had been the advice of Dr. Franklin; and, as he observes somewhere, "a good motion never dies;" so this was eventually acted upon in all its bearings, and was the first step to the union of the colonies, and their final emancipation from Great Britain.

The first congress assembled at Philadelphia, Sept. 17, 1774. Their first public act was a declaratory resolution expressive of their disposition with respect to the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and immediately intended to confirm and encourage that people in their opposition to the oppressive acts of the British parliament. This, and other analogous resolutions relative to Massachusetts, being passed, the congress wrote a letter to General Gage, governor and commander of the king's troops in that province, in which, after repeating the complaints formerly made by the town of Boston, they declared the determined resolution of the colonies to unite for the preservation of their common rights, in opposition to the late acts of parliament, under the execution of which the unhappy people of Massachusetts were oppressed;

that the colonies had appointed them the guardians of their rights and liberties, and that they felt the deepest concern, that whilst they were pursuing every dutiful and peaceable measure to procure a cordial and effectual reconciliation between Great Britain and the colonies, his excellency should proceed in a manner that bore so hostile an appearance, and which even the oppressive acts complained of did not warrant. They represented the tendency this conduct must have to irritate, and force a people, however well disposed to peaceable measures, into hostilitics, which might prevent the endeavors of the congress to restore a good understanding with the parent state, and involve them in the horrors of a civil war.

The congress also published a DECLARATION OF RIGHTS, to which they asserted the English colonies of North America were entitled, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and their several charters or compacts.

They then proceeded to frame a petition to the king, a memorial to the people of Great Britain, an address to the colonies in general, and another to the inhabitants of the province of Quebec.

These several acts were drawn up with uncommon energy, address, and ability: they well deserve the attention of statesmen, and are to be found in the annals of American history.

The petition to his majesty contained an enumeration of the grievances of the colonies, humbly praying redress. It was forwarded to England by the secretary of congress (Charles Thomson), under cover to Dr. Franklin; and as a document of considerable interest, will be inserted at length, and the proceedings thereon circumstantially noticed, in the progress of these memoirs.

Dr. Franklin, at this momentous period, was unceasing in his endeavors to induce the British government to change its measures with respect to the colonies. In private conversations, in letters to persons connected with government, and in writings in the public prints, he continually expatiated upon the impolicy and injustice of its conduct towards America; and stated in the most energetic manner, that notwithstanding the sincere attachment of the colonists to the mother-country, a continuance of ill-treatment must ultimately alienate their affections. The ministers listened not to his advice and solemn warnings; they blindly persevered in their own schemes, and left to the Americans no alternative but opposition, or unconditional submission. The latter accorded not with the principles of freedom; which they had been taught to revere; to the former they were compelled, though reluctantly, to have

recourse.

Dr. Franklin, thus finding all his efforts to restore harmony between Great Britain and her colonies

ineffectual; and being looked upon by government with a jealous eye, who, it was said, entertained some thoughts of arresting him, under the pretence of his having fomented a rebellion in the colonies, (of which he received private intimation,) determined on immediately returning to America, and to this effect embarked from England in March, 1775.†

During the passage, he committed to paper a memorable and lasting monument of his noble efforts to effect a reconciliation, and prevent a breach between Great Britain and her colonies, (contrary to the insidious accusations of his enemies.) This was a narrative of the negotiations he had latterly been concerned in, to bring about so desirable an object, and one he had so much at heart. This, like the first part of these memoirs, was addressed to his son, Governor Franklin; and intended no doubt to be incorporated in them, had he lived to proceed so far in his history. It forms a complement to his political transactions while in England, fully justifies and exalts his character, and is a document of no mean interest in the annals of the American revolution. From these considerations, the editor conceives he should be inexcusable in suppressing, new-modelling, or curtailing so valuable a tract; but on the contrary, has great satisfaction, as will no doubt the reader, that Dr. Franklin again resumes the pen in a further continuation of these memoirs.