lutions, the assembly came to the following determination," that the house, reserving their rights in their full extent on all future occasions, do, never theless, in duty to the king and compassion for the suffering inhabitants of their distressed country, and in humble but full confidence of the justice of his majesty and a British parliament, wave their rights on this present occasion only; and do further resolve, that a new bill be brought in for granting a sum of money to the king's use, and that the same be made conformable to the said instructions."

Such was the state of Pennsylvania at the time when this luminous exposition of its history and grievances was published, the conclusion of which is so nervous, eloquent, and characteristic of the mind and pen of Franklin, that the reader of his memoirs will more than excuse the insertion of it in this place.

"The true state of Pennsylvania is now before us. It is apparent the assemblies of that province have acted from the beginning on the defensive only. The defensive is what every man, by the right and law of nature, is entitled to. Jealousy is the first principle of defence; if men were not to suspect, they would rarely, if ever, be upon their guard. MAGNA CHARTA is apparently founded upon this principle; nay, provides, that opposition should be always at hand to confront and obviate danger. PENN, the founder of the colony, founded it upon MAGNA CHARTA: and, as we have seen, the birth

rights of his followers were rather enlarged than diminished by his institutions. That the latter part of his active life, therefore, was employed in undermining his own foundations, only serves to excite our concern, that so few should be of a piece with themselves; and to make him answerable in part for the trespasses of his heirs. Fatally verified, however, we see, both there and everywhere else, the fable of the axe, which having been gratified with as much wood only as would serve it for a handle, became immediately the instrument to hew down the forest, root and branch, whence it was taken. It is as apparent, on the other hand, that these proprietaries have acted an offensive part; have set up unwarrantable claims; have adhered to them by instructions yet more unwarrantable; have availed themselves of the dangers and distresses of the province, and made it their business (at least their deputies have) to increase the terrors of the times, purposely to unhinge the present system, and by the dint of assumptions, snares, menaces, aspersions, tumults, and every other unfair practice whatsoever, would have either bullied or wheedled the inhabitants out of the privileges they were born to; , nay, they have actually avowed this perfidious purpose, by avowing and dispersing those pamphlets in which the said privileges are insolently, wickedly, and foolishly pronounced repugnant to government, the sources of confusion, and such as, having answered the great end of causing an expeditious

settlement, for which alone they were granted, might be resumed at pleasure, as incompatible with the dictatorial power they now challenge, and would fain exercise.

"And this being the truth, the plain truth, and nothing but the truth, there is no need to direct the censures of the public, which, on proper information, are always sure to fall in the right place. The parties before them are the two proprietaries of a province and the province itself. And who or what are these proprietaries? In the province, unsizeable subjects and insufficient lords. At home, gentlemen, it is true, but gentlemen so very private, that in the herd of gentry they are hardly to be found; not in court; not in office; not in parlia

ment.

"And which is of most consequence to the community; whether their private estate shall be taxed, or the province shall be saved? Whether these two private gentlemen, in virtue of their absolute proprietaryship, shall convert so many fellow-subjects, born as free as themselves, into vassals; or, whether so noble and useful a province shall for ever remain an asylum for all that wish to remain as free as the inhabitants of it have hitherto made a shift • to preserve themselves?

SUB JUDICE LIS EST.

"This Review" (says a respectable editor of a late reprint of it in Philadelphia)" attracted much attention, and made a very deep impression in fa

vor of the Pennsylvanians, against whom many prejudices had been previously excited. Much asperity followed against its author, who, though he did not absolutely disavow it, thought it preferable to enjoy the secret satisfaction arising from its beneficial effects, than to claim the literary honor that might attach to it."

A writer also who was a cotemporary, speaking of this "Review," says, "Pennsylvania had in our author a most zealous and able advocate. His sentiments are manly, liberal, and spirited; his style close, nervous, and rhetorical. By a forcible display of the oppressions of his clients, he inclines the reader to pity their condition, and by an enumeration of their virtues he endeavors to remove the idea, which many entertained, of their unimportance; and that, abstracted from their consideration in a political light, they claim our regard by reason of their own personal merits."

The publication in question, though anonymous, undoubtedly produced a considerable effect; and by bringing the grievances of the colonists closely under the consideration of the British public, tended materially to facilitate the object of the author, and even to enlarge his views with regard to the inconvenience of the proprietary government. Finding that the family of the founder would not relax in their demands, and that the publication of this explicit statement had exasperated them in no ordinary degree, the agent for the province brought

the cause of his clients in the shape of a petition before the privy council. Such indeed was his activity, and so confident were the provincialists of the success of their cause in his hands, that during his residence in England the assembly passed a law for the imposition of a tax, in which no exemption was made in favor of the proprietary estates. This bill received the assent of Governor Denny, which plainly evinced that his excellency felt not only the reasonableness of the measure itself, but the certainty that his employers must soon yield to the persevering efforts of their opponents. The proprietaries on receiving the intelligence of this advance in the cause of independence, exerted themselves to prevent the royal sanction from being given to the money-bill which their own governor had passed, but which they represented as subversive of their chartered rights, and tending to ruin themselves and their posterity, by bringing upon them all the expenses necessary for the defence and support of the province. The cause, however, proceeded before the lords of the council; and though the Penn family did not want powerful support, and very able advocates, such was the force of simple truth and the evidence of plain facts, that the agent of the colony soon perceived the advantage which had been gained by his prudent management and seasonable publication. After some delay and much tedious discussion, a proposal of accommodation was made on the part