DRAUGHT OF AN ACT Against an usurious shift of gain, in delivering commodities instead of money. WHEREAS it is an usual practice, to the undoing and overthrowing many young gentlemen and others, that when men are in necessity, and desire to borrow money, they are answered, that money cannot be had, but that they may have commodities sold unto them upon credit, whereof they may make money as they can: in which course it ever comes to pass, not only that such commodities are bought at extreme high rates, and sold again far under foot to a double loss; but also that the party which is to borrow is wrapt in bonds and counter-bonds; so that upon a little money which he receiveth, he is subject to penalties and suits of great value. Be it therefore enacted, by the authority of this present parliament, that if any man, after forty days from the end of this present session of parliament to be accounted, shall sell in gross sale any quantity of wares or commodities unto such a one as is no retailer, chapman, or known broker of the same commodities, and knowing that it is bought to be sold again, to help and furnish any person, that tradeth not in the same commodity, with money, he shall be without all remedy by law, or custom, or decree, or otherwise, to recover or demand any satisfaction for the said wares or commodities, what assurance soever he shall have by bond, surety, pawn or promise of the party, or any other in his behalf. And that all bonds and assurances whatsoever, made for that purpose directly or indirectly, shall be utterly void. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that every person, which shall after the time aforesaid be used or employed as a broker, mean or procurer, for the taking up of such commodities, shall forfeit for every such offence the sum of one hundred pounds, the same to be and shall be farther punished by six months imprisonment, without bail or mainprise, and by the pillory. A PREPARATION TOWARD THE UNION OF THE LAWS ОР ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. YOUR Majesty's desire of proceeding towards the union of this whole island of Great Britain under one law, is, as far as I am capable to make any opinion of so great a cause, very agreeable to policy and justice. To policy, because it is one of the best assurances, as human events can be assured, that there will be never any relapse in any future ages to a separation. To justice, because dulcis tractus pari jugo: it is reasonable that communication of privilege draw on communication of discipline and rule. This work being of greatness and difficulty, needeth not to embrace any greater compass of designment, than is necessary to your Majesty's main end and intention. I consider therefore, that it is a true and received division of law into jus publicum and privatum, the one being the sinews of property, and the other of government; for that which concerneth private interest of meum and tuum, in my simple opinion, it is not at this time to be meddled with; men love to hold their own as they have held, and the difference of this law carrieth no mark of separation; for we see in any one kingdom, which is most at unity in itself, there is diversity of customs for the guiding of property and private rights: in veste varietas sit, scissura non sit. All the labour is to be spent in the other part; though perhaps not in all the other part; for, it may be, your Majesty, in your high wisdom, will discern that even in that part there will not be requisite a conformity in all points. And although such conformity were to be wished, yet perchance it will be scarcely possible in many points to pass them for the present by assent of parliament. But because we that serve your Majesty in the ser vice of our skill and profession, cannot judge what your Majesty, upon reason of state, will leave and take; therefore it is fit for us to give, as near as we can, a general information: wherein I, for my part, think good to hold myself to one of the parallels, I mean that of the English laws. For although I have read, and read with delight, the Scotish statutes, and some other collection of their laws; with delight I say, partly to see their brevity and propriety of speech, and partly to see them come so near to our laws; yet I am unwilling to put my sickle in another's harvest, but to leave it to the lawyers of the Scotish nation; the rather, because I imagine with myself that if a Scotish lawyer should undertake, by reading of the English statutes, or other our books of law, to set down positively in articles what the law of England were, he might oftentimes err: and the like errors, make account, I might incur in theirs. And therefore, as I take it, the right way is, that the lawyers of either nation do set down in brief articles what the law is of their nation, and then after, a book of two columns, either having the two laws placed respectively, to be offered to your Majesty, that your Majesty may by a ready view see the diversities, and so judge of the reduction, or leave it as it is. Jus publicum I will divide, as I hold it fittest for the present purpose, into four parts. The first, concerning criminal causes, which with us are truly accounted publici juris, because both the prejudice and the prosecution principally pertain to the crown and public estate. The second, concerning the causes of the Church. The third, concerning magistrates, offices, and courts: wherein falleth the consideration of your Majesty's regal prerogative, whereof the rest are but streams. And the fourth, concerning certain special politic laws, usages, and constitutions, that do import the public peace, strength, and wealth of the king dom. In which part I do comprehend not only con I stant ordinances of law, but likewise forms of administration of law, such as are the commissions of the peace, the visitations of the provinces by the judges of the circuits, and the like. For these in my opinion, for the purpose now in hand, deserve a special observation, because they being matters of that temporary nature, as they may be altered, as I suppose, in either kingdom, without parliament, as to your Majesty's wisdom may seem best; it may be the most profitable and ready part of this labour will consist in the introducing of some uniformity in them. To begin therefore with capital crimes, and first that of treason. CASES OF TREASON. WHERE a man doth compass or imagine the death of the King, if it appear by any overt act, it is treason. Where a man doth compass or imagine the death of the King's wife, if it appear by any overt act, it is treason. Where a man doth compass or imagine the death of the King's eldest son and heir, if it appear by any overt act, it is treason. Where a man doth violate the King's wife, it is treason. Where a man doth violate the King's eldest daughter unmarried, it is treason. Where a man doth violate the wife of the King's eldest son and heir, it is treason. Where a man doth levy war against the King and his realm, it is treason. Where a man is adherent to the King's enemies, giving them aid and comfort, it is treason. Where a man counterfeiteth the King's great seal, it is treason. Where a man counterfeiteth the King's privy seal, it is treason. Where a man counterfeiteth the King's privy signet, it is treason. VOL. IV. U |