The ministers had to contend against another difficulty, which the tactics of the court had created. Not only were they opposed by independent members of the court party; but members holding office, upon whose support ministers were justified in relying, were encouraged to oppose them; and retained their offices, while voting in the ranks of the Opposition. The king, who had punished with so much severity any opposition to measures which he approved, now upheld and protected those placemen, who opposed the ministerial measures to which he himself objected. In vain the ministers remonstrated against their conduct: the king was ready with excuses and promises; but his chosen band were safe from the indignation of the Government. Nor was their opposition confined to the repeal of the Stamp Act, a subject on which they might have affected to entertain conscientious scruples: but it was vexatiously continued against the general measures of the administration.1 Well might Mr. Burke term this "an opposition of a new and singular character, an opposition of placemen and pensioners." Lord Rockingham protested against such a system while in office; and after his dismissal, took occasion to observe to his Majesty, that "when he had the honor of being in his Majesty's service, the measures of administration were thwarted and obstructed by men in office, acting like a corps; that he flattered himself it was not entirely with his Majesty's inclination, and would assure him it was very detrimental to his service."4 This system, to use the words of Mr. Burke, tended "to produce neither the security of a free Government, nor the energy of a monarchy that is absolute." "5 8 The king, meanwhile, had resolved to overthrow the Rockingham ministry, which was on every account distaste. 1 Walp. Mem., ii. 259, 331, n.; Rockingham Mem., i. 250, 294, 321 2 A Short Account of a Late Short Administration. 8 Walp. Mem., ii. 322. 4 Rockingham Mem., ii. 53. 6 Present Discontents Works ii 721 ful to him. He disapproved their liberal policy: he was jealous of their powerful party, which he desired to break up; and, above all, he resented their independence. He desired ministers to execute his will; and these men and their party were the obstacles to the cherished object of his ambition. At length, in July, 1766, they were ungraciously dismissed;1 and his Majesty now expected from Duke of Graf the hands of Mr. Pitt, an administration better ton's ministry, 1766. suited to his own views and policy. Mr. Pitt's greatness had naturally pointed him out as the fittest man for such a task, and there were other circumstances which made him personally acceptable to the king. Haughty as was the demeanor of that distinguished man in the senate, and among his equals, his bearing in the royal presence was humble and obsequious. The truth of Mr. Burke's well-known sarcasm, that “the least peep into that closet intoxicates him, and will to the end of his life," was recognized by all his contemporaries. 8 A statesman with at least the outward qualities of a courtier, was likely to give the king some repose after his collisions with the two last ministries. He now undertook to form an administration under the Duke of Grafton, with the office of Privy Seal, and a seat in the Upper House, as Earl of Chatham. For another reason also Lord Chatham was acceptable 1 Walp. Mem., ii. 337. 2 Letter to Lord Rockingham, Rockingham Mem., ii. 260. 8 Chase Price said, "that at the levée, he (i. e. Lord Chatham) used to bow so low, you could see the tip of his hooked nose between his legs.”Rockingham Mem., ii. 83. He had been in the habit of kneeling at the bedside of George II., while transacting business. — Wraxall's Mem., ii. 53. That he was ever true to his character, is illustrated by the abject terms of his letter to the king on resigning the office of Privy Seal, two years afterwards. "Under this load of unhappiness, I will not despair of your Maj. esty's pardon, while I supplicate again on my knees your Majesty's mercy, and most humbly implore your Majesty's royal permission to resign that high office." 14th October, 1768; Chatham Corresp., iii. 314. to the king. The king's efforts to dis solve parties. They agreed, though for different reasons, in the policy of breaking up party connections. This was now the settled object of the king, which he pursued with unceasing earnestness. writing to Lord Chatham, July 29th, 1766, he said: "I know the Earl of Chatham will zealously give his aid towards destroying all party distinctions, and restoring that subordination to government which can alone preserve that inestimable blessing, liberty, from degenerating into licentiousness." "2 Again, December 2d, 1766, he wrote to the Earl of Chatham: "To rout out the present method of parties banding together, can only be obtained by withstanding their unjust demands, as well as the engaging able men, be their private connections where they will." ? And again, on the 25th June, 1767: "I am thoroughly resolved to encounter any difficulties rather than yield to faction." 4 Personal in king. 8 By this policy the king hoped to further his cherished scheme of increasing his own personal influence. Hluence of the To overcome the Whig connection, was to bring into office the friends of Lord Bute, and the court party who were subservient to his views. Lord Chatham adopted the king's policy for a very different purpose. Though in outward observances a courtier, he was a constitutional statesman, opposed to government by prerogative, and court influence. His career had been due to his own genius: in dependent of party, and superior to it, he had trusted to his eloquence, his statesmanship, and popularity. And now, by breaking up parties, he hoped to rule over them all. His project, however, completely failed. Having offended and exasperated the Whigs, he found himself at the head of an administration composed of the king's friends, who thwarted him, and of discordant elements over which he had no control. 1 Introduction to vol. iii. of Bedford Corresp., xxvii. 2 Chatham Corresp., iii. 21. 8 Ibid., iii. 137. 4 Ibid., 276 He discovered, when it was too late, that the king had been more sagacious than himself, — and that while his own power and connections had crumbled away, the court party had obtained a dangerous ascendency. Parties had been broken up, and prerogative triumphed. The leaders of parties had been reduced to insignificance, while the king directed public affairs according to his own will, and upon principles dangerous to public liberty. According to Burke, “when he had accomplished his scheme of adminis tration, he was no longer minister."1 To repair the mischief which had been done, he afterwards sought an alliance with the party which, when in power, he had alienated from him. "Former little differences must be forgotten," he said, “when the contest is pro aris et focis.” 2 Meanwhile, other circumstances contributed to increase the influence of the king. Much of Lord Chatham's popularity had been sacrificed by the acceptance of a peerage; and his personal influence was dimini-hed by his removal from the House of Commons, where he had been paramount. His holding so obscure a place as that of Privy Seal, also took much from his weight as a minister. His melancholy prostration soon afterwards increased the feebleness and disunion of the administration. Though his was its leading mind, for months he was incapacitated from attending to any business. He even refused an interview to the Duke of Grafton, the premier," and to General Conway, though commissioned by the king to confer with him. It is not surprising that the Duke of Grafton should complain of the languor under which "every branch of the administration labored from his absence." 5 Yet the king, writing to Lord Chatham, January 23d, 1768, to dissuade him from resigning the Privy Seal, said: "Though confined to your 1 Speech on American Taxation. Chatham Corresp., iii. 218. 2 Rockingham Mem., ii. 143. 4 Walp. Mem., ii. 433. 5 Letter to Lord Chatham, 8th February, 1767; Chatham Corresp., iu 194. house, your name has been sufficient to enable my administration to proceed."1 At length, however, in October, 1768, completely broken down, he resigned his office, and withdrew from the administration.2 The absence of Lord Chatham, and the utter disorganiza tion of the ministry, left the king free to exercise his own influence, and to direct the policy of the country, without control. Had Lord Chatham been there, the ministry would have had a policy of its own: now it had none, and the Duke of Grafton and Lord North - partly from indolence, and partly from facility, consented to follow the stronger will of their sovereign. 8 On his side, the king took advantage of the disruption of party ties, which he had taken pains to promote. In the absence of distinctive principles, and party leaders, members of Parliament were exposed to the direct influence of the Crown. According to Horace Walpole, "everybody ran to court, and voted for whatever the court desired." The main object of the king in breaking up parties, had thus been secured. Lord North's On the resignation of the Duke of Grafton, the king's ascendency in the councils of his ministers was further increased by the accession of Lord North to the chief direction of public affairs. That minister, by principle a Tory, and favorable to prerogative, – in character indolent and good tempered, and personally attached to the king, - yielded up his own opinions and judgment; and for years consented to be the passive instru 1 Chatham Corresp., iii. 318. 2 In his letter to the king, October 14th, he said, "All chance of recovery will be precluded by my continuing longer to hold the Privy Seal.” — Chatham Corresp., iii. 314. So little had Lord Chatham's illness been assumed for political purposes, as it was frequently represented, that in August, 1777, he gave Lady Chatham a general letter of attorney, empowering her to transact all business for him. · Chatham Corresp., iii. 282. 8 Walp. Mem.. iii. 62, 67, n. 4 Ibid., ii. 381, n. See also ibid., iii. 92. |