Parliament, been so remarkably exemplified. The question of the slave-trade was immediately considered by the gov ernment, by the Privy Council, and by Parliament; and remedial measures were passed, which ultimately led to its prohibition. This consummation was indeed postponed for several years, and was not accomplished without many struggles; but the influence of petitions, and of the organization by which they were produced, was marked throughout the contest. The king and Mr. Pitt appear, from the first, to have regarded with disfavor this agitation for the abolition of the slave-trade, by means of addresses and petitions, as being likely to establish a precedent for forcing the adoption of other measures, less unobjectionable.2 Notwithstanding this recognition of the constitutional right of addressing Parliament upon public questions, the growth of petitions was not yet materially advanced. Throughout the reign of George III. their numbers, upon the most interesting questions, were still reckoned by hundreds only. As yet, it was sought to express the sentiments of influential classes only; and a few select petitions from the principal counties and cities, drawn with great ability, and signed by leading men, characterized this period of the history of petitions. Even in 1816 there were little more than four hundred petitions against the continuance of the Property Tax, notwithstanding the strong public feeling against it. It was not until the latter part of the succeeding reign, that petitioning attained that development, by which it has 1 Mr. Fox, writing to Dr. Wakefield, April 28th, 1801, said: "With regard to the slave-trade, I conceive the great numbers which have voted with us, sometimes amounting to a majority, have been principally owing to petitions." Memorials of Fox, iv. 429. 2 Malmesbury Corresp. ii. 430. 8 In 1813, there were 200 in favor of Roman Catholic claims, and about 700 for promulgating the Christian religion in India: in 1814, about 150 on the corn laws, and nearly 1000 for the abolition of the slave-trade: in 1817 and 1818, upwards of 500 petitions for reform in Parliament. Petitions bodies. 415 since been distinguished. From that period it has been the custom to influence the judgment of Parliament, not so much by the weight and political con- from religious sideration of the petitioners, as by their numbers. Religious bodies, especially of Dissenting communions, had already contributed the greatest number of petitions; and they have since been foremost in availing themselves of the rights of petitioners. In 1824 an agitation was commenced, mainly by means of petitions, for the abolition of slavery; and from that period until 1833, when the Emancipation Act was passed, little less than twenty thousand petitions were presented: in 1833 alone, nearly seven thousand were laid before the House of Commons. Upon many other subjects, petitions were now numbered by thousands, instead of hundreds. In 1827 and 1828, the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts was urged by upwards of five thousand petitions. Between 1825 and 1829, there were above six thousand petitions in favor of the Roman Catholic claims, and nearly nine thousand against them, Other questions affecting the Church and Dissenters, Maynooth grant, church rates, and the observance of the - the Sabbath, have since called them forth, in still greater numbers. On a single day, in 1860, nearly four thousand petitions were presented, on the question of church rates.2 1 In 1834 there were upwards of 2,000 petitions in support of the Church Establishment, and 2,400 for relief of Dissenters. In 1837 there were about 10,000 petitions relating to church rates. Between 1833 and 1837, 5,000 petitions were presented for the better observance of the Lord's Day. In 1845, 10,253 petitions, with 1,288,742 signatures, were presented against the grant to Maynooth College. In 1850, 4,475 petitions, with 656.919 signatures, were presented against Sunday labor in the Post-office. In 1851, 4,144 pelitions, with 1,016,657 signatures, were presented for repelling encroachments of the Church of Rome; and 2,151 petitions, with 948,081 signatures, against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. In 1856, 4,999 petitions, with 629,926 signatures, were presented against opening the British Museum on Sundays; and in 1860, there were 5,575 petitions, with 197,687 signatures, against the abolition of church rates; and 5,538 petitions, with 610,877 signatures, in favor of their abolition. 2 March 28th, 1860. Extraordina petitions. The people have also expressed their opinions upon all the great political measures of the last thirty ry increase of years, by prodigious numbers of petitions; ' and these petitions have been freely received, however distasteful their opinions, however strong their language. Disrespect and menace have not been suffered; but the wise and tolerant spirit of the age, has recognized unbounded liberty of opinion. This general use of petitions had been originally deAbuses of pe- veloped by associations; and in its progress, actitioning. tive organization has ever since been resorted to, for bringing its great influence to bear upon Parliament. Sometimes, indeed, the manner in which petitioning has been systematized, has discredited the right on which it is founded, and the questions it has sought to advance. Petitions in thousands using the same language,—inscribed in the same handwriting, and on the same description of paper, and signed by fabulous numbers,—have marked the activity of agents, rather than the unanimity of petitioners; and, instead of being received as the expression of public opinion, have been reprobated as an abuse of a popular privilege. In some cases the unscrupulous zeal of agents has even led them to resort to forgery and other frauds, for the multiplication of signatures.2 1 In 1846 there were 1,958 petitions, with 145,855 signatures, against the repeal of the corn laws; and 467 petitions, with 1,414,303 signatures, in favor of repeal. In 1848 there were 577 petitions, with 2,018,080 signatures, praying for universal suffrage. In the five years ending 1843, 94,000 petitions were received by the House of Commons; in the five years ending 1848, 66,501; in the five years ending 1853, 54,908; and in the five years ending 1858, 47,669. In 1860, 24,279 petitions were received, being a greater number than in any previous year except 1843 2 Such practices appear to have been coeval with agitation by means of petitions. Lord Clarendon states that in 1640, "when a multitude of hands was procured, the petition itself was cut off, and a new one framed suitable to the design in hand, and annexed to the long list of names, which were subscribed to the former. By this means many men found their hands subscribed to petitions of which they before had never heard." - Hist. of Rebellion, ii. 357. presenting strained. While the number of petitions was thus increasing, their influence was further extended, by the discussions Debates on to which their presentation gave rise. The argu- petitions ments of the petitioners, were repeated and enforced in debate. Whatever the business appointed for consideration, the claims of petitioners to a prior hearing, were paramount. Again and again, were the same questions thus forced upon the attention of Parliament. A popular question absorbed all others: it was forever under discussion. This free access of petitioners to the inner deliberations of Parliament, was a great privilege. It had long been enjoyed and appreciated; but when it was too often claimed, its continuance became incompatible with good government. After the reform act, the debating of petitions threatered to become the sole business of the House of Commons. For a time, expedients were tried to obtain partial relief from this serious embarrassment; but at length, in 1839, the House was forced to take the bold but necessary step, of prohibiting all debate upon the presentation of petitions. The reformed Parliament could venture upon so startling an invasion of the right of petitioning; and its fearless decision was not misconstrued by the people. Nor has the just influence of petitions been diminished by this change; for while the House restrained desultory and intrusive discussion, it devised other means for giving publicity, and extended circulation to the opinions of petitioners.2 Their voice is still heard and respected in the consideration of every public measure; but it is no longer suffered to impede the toilsome work of legislation. Pledges of To these various modes of subjecting Parliament to the direct control of public opinion, must be added the modern custom of exacting pledges from candi- members. dates at elections. The general election of 1774 appears to 1 Com. Journ. xciv..16; Hansard's Debates, 3d Ser., xlv. 156, 197. 2 About a thousand petitions are annually printed in extenso; and all petitions are classified so as to exhibit the number of petitions, with the signatures, relating to every subject. have been the first occasion, on which it prevailed so far as to attract public notice. Many popular questions, especially our differences with America, were then under discussion ; and in many places, tests were proposed to candidates, by which they were required to support or oppose the leading measures of the time. Wilkes was forward in encouraging a practice so consonant with his own political principles; and volunteered a test for himself and his colleague, Sergeant Glynn, at the Middlesex election. Many candidates indignantly refused the proposed test, even when they were favorable to the views, to which it was sought to pledge them. At this period, Mr. Burke explained to the electors of Bristol, with that philosophy and breadth of constitutional principle, which distinguished him, the relations of a representative to his constituents. "His unbiased opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living. Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion. Government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of " 2 Since that time, however, the relations between representatives and their constituents have become more intimate ; and the constitutional theory of pledges has been somewhat modified. According to the true principles of representation, the constituents elect a man in whose character and general 1 Adolphus, Hist. ii. 143. 2 Burke's Works, iii. 18-20. |