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est in common, with the great body of our people. You see him borne on, in despite of his having been against them upon odious tariffs; against them upon the profli gate squandering of money upon internal improvements; against them upon the slave question; and against them upon every essential view touching the pure and economical administration of this Government.

Sir, what individual popularity, necessarily local, can contend against this factitious popularity, endowed with ubiquity, and supported by the keenest selfish interests? Sir, the only hope is in the virtue and intelligence of the people. And yet the people, scattered, dispersed, without unity of purpose and concert of action, can make but feeble head against a corps, powerful, disciplined, active, and controlled by a single will. The truth is, organization must be met with organization, as far as practicable, or the freedom of election will be gone for

ever.

To return. Sir, what are we debating about? The loss of the fortification bill at the last session. Why consume time in criminating the Senate, supposing this body to be culpable? Gentlemen say the horizon is lowering; that a cloud of war hangs upon its distant verge in the east; that it may yet come and burst upon us in its fury. They say our maritime frontier is naked and defenceless, and that we are destitute of all the muniments of war. Why, then, consume time in vain and unprofitable discussion? Why have two months of the session been suffered to pass without executive recommendation, or any estimates from the Departments for extraordinary appropriations? Why does the executive department sleep, while the enemy are upon us? Why do gentlemen waste the precious time in a war of words, when they should, according to their own views, be preparing for a sterner war? What bill have they introduced? What measure have they proposed? The French fleet of fifty or sixty sail, it is said, is hovering on our coast? They came to overawe the deliberations of the Senate, or to strike a decisive blow? Are the friends of the administration paralyzed What preparation have they made to meet this formidable enemy? What preparation have they proposed? What increase of the naval power? Sir, they have a proposition on the subject of the naval defences. What do you suppose it is? Ten or twenty line of battle ships of the first class? No, sir; it is much more modest. The administration asks for two frigates, one sloop, and one steam battery.

If gentlemen suppose their alarms well founded, what must they think of the inertness, the imbecility, yes, sir, and the fatuity, of the administration that they seem so proud to support? Sir, gentlemen must be satisfied by this time that they are to have no war, except the war upon the Senate, and the war upon the treasury. Gentlemen say they have carried their elections, and will carry the Senate. I shall not regret it. This body, then, may look for a cessation of hostilities. It needs repose. Besides, it is time that gentlemen should take the whole responsibility of their measures. Who will not feel a sentiment of compassion for the distresses and annoyances of our venerable President, when he shall get possession of the Senate? How many debts are unpaid? How many importunate claimants of office, how many sturdy beggars, supple sycophants, and despicable tools, have been turned away with soothing assurances and bitter denunciations "of the factious Senate," that would not allow the party in power to keep good faith with their friends, and fulfil their just and reasonable expectations? Will not this tribe come thundering at the doors of the presidential mansion? Will they not press upon and annoy him by day and by night? But, sir, I differ from many of my friends.

If the party had carried the Senate two years ago, though the country would have suffered in the mean

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[SENATE.

time, the defenders of the constitution and the laws would have acquired greater strength to place them both upon a safer and more durable basis. And, sir, what are two years of lawless domination, in the life of a great Government?

The opposition, without incurring the calumny and odium that have closed the public ear against them, would have been heard. The fruits of a weak and wicked policy would have ripened into their full maturity of bitterness. The people would have tasted them. The "glory" fruit might have been beautiful to the eye, but, like the fabled fruit on the borders of the Red sea, would to the taste have turned to ashes and bitterness.

The people may yet have to taste some of these bitter fruits. If an explosion shall come, as come it must, sooner or later, in the paper system, and twenty or thirty millions of public money shall be lost by broken banks, (which is not at all improbable,) the wise and sober-minded may regard it as a bitter fruit of the "hard money" humbug. "The faithful" will defend it as not too high a price for the "glory" of the experiment. If war shall come, I learn from military men that a thousand or fifteen hundred gun-carriages will be immediately needed to work the guns in the fortresses now ready to receive them. I learn that there are scarcely one hundred fit for use, and that, with all the labor that can be applied to it, not more than one hundred and fifty or sixty can be made in a month. So that, notwithstanding regular appropriations for that object have been made for the last seven years, not more than one hundred guns can be mounted, nor can the full number for five or six months. This is a fair specimen of the ability and vigilance to be found, nowadays, in the public service. Sir, the fact cannot be disguised, that almost every department of the Government is in a state little short of utter disorganization.

The only department over which energy, skill, science, and a sleepless vigilance preside, is the one unknown to the law, created during this administration, without law and against law, but yet well known in practice-I mean the electioneering department. In this last department every thing is full of life, activity, vigor, alertness, and precision. If the elections of a State are to be carried, though we have but few guncarriages, yet every gun is brought to bear upon it; emissaries and agents are afoot, the whole battery of the press opens, and the whole pack unkennelled; and, amidst shouts of glorification, humbug, calumny, smoke, smut, fire, and thunder, victory usually perches on the banner of this department, and approves itself well worthy of its high and distinguished reputation. If State Legislatures are to be carried, whether to make Senators, or to make "black lines," no troops but such as the Spartans of Tennessee or the Romans of Pennsylvania, can guard against insidious surprise, or repel the fury of assault. But as to the other departments, their condition can neither command admiration nor excite envy.

The Post Office Department sunk, two years ago, under a load of guilt, corruption, and disgusting rottenness. The public eye was turned for a moment on a spectacle so appalling in so young a Government, but it was again dazzled by the glory of this administration, and the whole Department, with its rottenness and corruptions, passed from under the eye as it passed out of the minds of men. It scarcely produced a sensation, it hardly left an impression. I trust it is getting better under the present head; I hear that it is, in its financial condition. I would humbly suggest that a little more expedition and a little better sealing-wax might decidedly enhance its usefulness and character.

The State Department may safely rest its hopes of immortality upon its masterly diplomacy in the late ne

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gotiation with France. Besides the enduring fame in lexicography which it has achieved for our country, it has well nigh got us into a war with with our earliest friend and most ancient ally, upon a cause so slight that it might have defied the inventive genius and wily dexterity of Talleyrand himself to make so much of it. The Treasury Department, I trust, keeps a steady eye on its deposite banks and the "better currency.' If, when they shall come to account for the thirty millions in their vaults, they shall be as wide of the mark as are the Secretary's reports and estimates to Congress, the Government will be either very rich or very poor. If I might take the liberty, I would recommend the purchase of Pike's arithmetic. Learning and science in this enlightened age, whether in lexicography or arithmetic, are quite commendable, particularly in a Depart

ment.

There can be no reason to doubt that the Secretary of the Navy will infuse into that branch of the public service a sufficient degree of zeal and energy to have his two frigates, his sloop, and steam battery, in the highest condition by the arrival of the French fleet of sixty sail on our coast.

Of the War Department-but of that I will say nothing, for I know but little. If I knew any thing in it demanding censure, it would give me no pleasure, indeed, it would cost me pain, to cast it. But this I will say: that I sincerely hope, when we shall come to look into the causes of this disastrous and disgraceful Indian war in Florida, no ground for censure will be found either in the want of good faith, of due forecast, or a seasonable preparation to meet the exigency. Sir, one feels, while ranging in these Departments, that he is in the midst of a wilderness of sweets. I will pursue the subject no further for the present; I may, on some future occasion, in an humble way, pluck a few of them.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4.
INCENDIARY PUBLICATIONS.

Mr. CALHOUN, from the select committee to whom that part of the message of the President was referred, made a report at much length, accompanied by the following bill; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

A BILL prohibiting deputy postmasters from receiving or transmitting through the mail, to any State, Terri tory, or District, certain papers therein mentioned, the circulation of which, by the laws of said State, Territory, or District, may be prohibited, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted, &c., That it shall not be lawful for any deputy postmaster, in any State, Territory, or District, knowingly to receive and put into the mail, any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representation, touching the subject cf slavery, addressed to any person or post office in any State, Territory, or District, where, by the laws of the said State, Territory, or District, their circulation is prohibited. Nor shall it be lawful for any deputy postmaster in said State, Territory, or District, knowingly to deliver to any person any such pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representation, to any person whatever, except to such person or persons as are duly authorized by the proper authority of such State, Territory, or District, to receive the same.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Postmaster General to dismiss from office any deputy postmaster offending in the premises, and such deputy postmaster shall, on conviction thereof, in any court having competent jurisdiction, be fined in any sum not less than dollars, and not more than

[FEB. 4, 1836.

dollars, according to the aggravation of the offence, at the discretion of the court.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of deputy postmasters, mail carriers, and other officers and agents of the Post Office Department, to cooperate, as far as may be, to prevent the circulation of any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representation as aforesaid, in any State, Territory, or District, where, by the laws of said State, Territory, or District, the same are prohibited; and that nothing in the acts of Congress to establish and regulate the Post Office Department shall be construed to protect any deputy postmaster, mail carrier, or other officer or agent of said Department, convicted of knowingly circulating in any State, Territory, or District, as aforesaid, any such pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representation, forbidden by the laws of such State, Territory, or District.

SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Postmaster General to furnish to the deputy postmasters, and the agents and officers of the Department, copies of the laws of the several States, Territories, and Districts, prohibiting the publication or circulation of any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other paper, printed or written, or pictorial representation, within the limits of said States, Territories, or Districts, for their government in the premises; and make such regulations, and give such instructions for carrying this act into effect, as may not be contrary to law.

SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That the deputy postmasters of the offices where the pamphlets, newspapers, handbills, or other papers, printed or written, or pictorial representations aforesaid, may be deposited, shall, under the instructions of the Postmaster General, from time to time give notice of the same, so that they may be withdrawn by the person depositing them; and, if not withdrawn in the space of one month thereafter, shall be burnt or otherwise destroyed.

Mr. MANGUM moved that five thousand extra copies of the report be printed.

Mr. DAVIS said that, as a motion had been made to print the paper purporting to be a report from the select committee of which he was a member, he would remark that the views contained in it did not entirely meet his approbation, though it contained many things which he approved of. He had risen for no other purpose than to make this statement, lest the impression should go abroad with the report that he assented to those portions of it which did not meet his approbation.

Mr. KING, of Georgia, said that, lest the same misunderstanding should go forth with respect to his views, he must state that the report was not entirely assented to by himself. However, the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN,] in making this report, had already stated that the majority of the committee did not agree to the whole of it, though many parts of it were concurred in by all.

Mr. DAVIS said he would add further, that he might have taken the usual course, and made an additional report, containing all his views on the subject, but thought it hardly worth while, and he had contented himself with making the statement that he had just made.

Mr. KING, of Alabama, said this was a departure from the usual course-by it a majority might dissent; and yet, when the report was published, it would seem to be a report of the committee of the Senate, and not a report of two members of it. It was proper that the whole matter should go together with the bill, that the report submitted by the majority might be read with the bill, to show that the reading of the report was not in conflict with the principles of the bill reported. He thought the Senator from North Carolina [Mr. MANGUM] had

FEB. 5, 1836.]

National Defence-Army of the United States.

better modify his motion, so as to have the report and bill published together.

Mr. LINN remarked that, being a member of the committee, it was but proper for him to say that he had assented to several parts of the report, though he did not concur with it in all its parts. Should it become necessary, he would, when the subject again came before the Senate, explain in what particulars he had coincided with the views given in the report, and how far he had dissented from them. The bill, he said, had met with his approbation.

Mr. CALHOUN said he hoped his friend from North Carolina would modify his motion, so as to include the printing of the bill with the report. It would be seen, by comparing both together, that there was no non sequitur in the bill, coming as it did after this report.

Mr. KING, of Alabama, had only stated his impres sions from hearing the report and bill read. It appeared to him unusual that a report should be made by a minority, and merely acquiesced in by the committee, and that the bill should be adverse to it.

Mr. DAVIS said the report was, as he understood it to be read from the Chair, the report of the committee. He had spoken for himself only, and for nobody else, lest the impression might go abroad that he concurred in all parts of the report, when he dissented from some of them.

Mr. CALHOUN said that a majority of the committee did not concur in the report, though there were two members of it, himself and the gentleman from North Carolina, who concurred throughout; three other gentlemen concurred with the greater part of the report, though they dissented from some parts of it, and two gentlemen concurred also with some parts of it. the bill, two of the committee would have preferred a different one, though they had rather have that than none at all; another gentleman was opposed to it altogether. The bill, however, was a natural consequence of the report, and the two did not disagree with each other.

As to

Mr. CLAY said reports were merely argumentative papers, and were not considered as adopted paragraph by paragraph, by the Senate, in ordering them to be printed. If a bill embracing the principles of a report was adopted, the reasoning of the report might, so far as applicable, be considered as adopted.

Mr. LEIGH rose merely to state to the Senator from Alabama that the bill did not contradict the reasoning of the report, and was confirmatory of that portion of it to which it referred. This the gentleman would see when he came to read the report and bill together.

Mr. MANGUM then modified his motion by moving to print 5,000 copies of the report, together with the bill; which motion was agreed to.

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[SENATE.

Mr. PRESTON expressed some doubts whether the United States Government could or ought to avail itself of this bequest, and wished that the resolution should be laid on the table until the Senate should be more full. Mr. LEIGH replied that he had entirely made up his nind both that the Government had the power to take this bequest, and that it was its duty to do so. He assented to the motion to lay the resolution on the table for the present.

The resolution was then laid on the table.

ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. Mr. TIPTON offered the following resolutions; which lie one day for consideration:

Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs be instructed to inquire whether the army is sufficiently numerous for the duties they are required to perform, and for the occupation of our various forts.

Resolved, also, That the Committee on Military Affairs inquire and report to the Senate whether, in their opinion, the pay and emoluments to the officers of the army is sufficient compensation for the services they are required to perform.

The resolutions having been read,

Mr. TIPTON said: These resolutions direct the Committee on Military Affairs to inquire whether our army, as at present organized, is sufficiently numerous for the occupation of our fortifications and the performance of the various other duties which necessarily devolve upon it.

In submitting the resolutions for the consideration of the Senate, I feel it to be my duty to accompany them with a few brief remarks, explanatory of my motives for proposing the inquiry. I do not wish to be considered an alarmist; my fears have not been operated upon by the rumors of war so frequently heard. I do not expect to raise recruits in time to terminate the war now raging between us and the Seminole Indians, nor am I influenced in the course I have taken by any thing that has been said here or elsewhere on the subject of any other war, but purely by a desire to put our peace establishment upon a respectable footing, and to prevent the recurrence of these conflicts with the Indians on our borders.

I am unable to see any just cause for war, unless it arise from unfortunate collisions, which will occasionally occur between our border inhabitants and the neighboring Indian tribes; and, sir, I am convinced that the sure way to prevent war is to be well prepared for it. If we expect to keep peace with the Indian tribes, we must provide and keep constantly stationed in their im mediate vicinity an efficient military force to awe them into submission.

I have waited until two months of the session have passed away, hoping that some other Senator, better qualified than myself, would institute this inquiry; but seeing that such has not been the case, I have determined to move in it, and I beg honorable Senators to examine and decide upon this subject, not as a party question, but as one intended solely for the good of our common country. I do it, sir, with great diffidence, for many reasons. I consider it a matter of some consequence, and have no doubt that it will meet with opposition. The mover should possess more ability than I do, to defend it. I have consulted no one. The measure is my own, and I am answerable for it. I am aware that the people of this country look with a jealous eye upon every step taken to augment our military force. The people, when rightly informed, will do what is right. The army is their army; the money to support it is theirs; the Government is theirs; and I feel assured that they desire to see the army sufficiently numerous to answer all the purposes for which it was created.

SENATE.]

Army of the United States.

Before I sit down, I willexhib it to the Senate a tabular statement, showing the forts on our seaboard, as well as on our northwestern, western, and southwestern border, occupied and unoccupied. When I have stated the facts, I must leave it to those Senators who represent the seaboard to judge whether any additional force is necessary there or not; I, of course, do not pretend to determine. I have instituted the inquiry under the conviction that a more efficient force is necessary in the West.

I do not advocate the propriety of raising new regiments, nor of increasing the number of commissioned officers. I believe they are sufficiently numerous already; but I am confident that the rank and file of the army should be augmented, by which measure we will place our peace establishment upon a much more respectable footing, and make our army more efficient, without incurring heavy additional expense.

I have prepared tables, showing the present distribu. tion of the troops, and the condition in which our militáry posts are at present, for the want of more men to preserve them.

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[FER. 5, 1836.

Position and disposition of the troops of the Western department.

Commis'd

officers.

No. of

companies.

Regiment.

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Fort Snelling,

Jefferson Barracks,
Fort Gibson,
Fort Coffee,

Fort Leavenworth,
Fort Crawford,
Fort Armstrong,

Fort Des Moines,

Fort Jesup,
10 Fort Towson,

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Baton Rouge,

New Orleans,

Fort

Wood,
Fort Jackson,
Fort Morgan,
Fort Pike,
17 Fort Mitchell,
18 Fort Pickens,

Fort King,
Fort Brooke,
Key West,
Fort Cass,

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Right bank Missouri, w. Little Platte,

Near St. Louis, Missouri,

Upper Mississippi,

Rock Island, Illinois,
Prairie du Chien,

Arkansas Territory,

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1 Fort Winnebago,

2 Fort Brady,

3 Fort Mackinac,

4 Fort Howard,

5 Fort Dearborn,

6 Fort Gratiot,

7 Fort Niagara,a
8 Madison Barracks, a

9 Hancock Barracks,

10 Fort Sullivan,

11 Fort Preble,

12 Fort Constitution,

13 Fort Independence,b

14 Fort Wolcott,

15 Fort Trumbull,
16 Military Academy,c
17 Fort Columbus,
18 Fort Hamilton,d
19 Fort Lafayette,
20 Fort Mifflin,a -
21 Fort Delaware,a
22 Fort McHenry,
23 Fort Severn,
24 Fort Washington, e
25 Washington Arsenal,
26 Fort Monroe,f
27 Fort Johnson,

28 Fort Macon,g

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32 Oglethorpe Barracks,g

33 Fort Marion,g

a Unoccupied.

Portage, Fox, & Ouis-
consin river,
Sault St. Marie, M. T.
Michilimackinac, M.T.
Green Bay, M. T.
Head Lake Mich., Ill.
Michigan Territory,
Youngstown, N. Y.
Sackett's Harbor, N. Y.

Eastport, Me.

Boston, Mass.

Newport, R. I.

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New London, Conn.

West Point, N. Y.

New York Harbor,

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4 art 3 8

4 art 1 4

4 art 1 5

New York Harbor,
New York Harbor,
Near Philadelphia,
On Delaware river,
Baltimore, Md.
Annapolis, Md.
1 art 1 3
Left bank of Potomac, 1 ait 13
Greenleaf's Pt., W.C. 1 art 12
Old Point Comfort, 1& 3 4
Near Smithfield, N. C. 1 art 1 3
Near Beaufort, N. C. 1 art 12
Charleston Harb.,S.C. I art 1 2
Charleston Harb.,S.C. 1 art 1 2
Augusta, Geo.
2 art 1 3
Savannah, Geo.

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b Evacuated, and put under Engineer department for repairs. e Unoccupied.

d One company ordered to Fort Mifflin, which will reduce the garrison to two companies.

Companies to be withdrawn. Now under orders to join the army in Florida.

f Four companies of permanent garrison now serving in Florida.

g Companies withdrawn. Ordered to Florida.

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(a) Companies to be ordered to Fort Snelling. The post to be abandoned.

(b) The regiment to be ordered to Fort Jesup, and the fort rapidly evacuated.

(c) By our intelligence received, it appears that the troops under Colonel Twiggs have proceeded to join the army in Florida.

(d) Company withdrawn, and serving in Florida.

(e) Company withdrawn, recently serving in Florida, reported to be destroyed in action with the Indians, December 28.

(ƒ) In the field, serving with General Clinch.

(g) Company withdrawn; reported to have been destroyed in action with the Indians.

By these statements it is shown that, in the Eastern department, on the lakes, and along the seaboard, there are thirty-three military posts, fourteen of which are now without troops to garrison them, and of course liable very soon to go to destruction.

In the Western department there are twenty-two

FEB. 8, 1836.]

Cumberland Road-Mediation of Great Britain.

posts, nine of them unoccupied by troops. Many of these forts are substantial, well built, and capable of affording protection, if properly occupied, and preserved from falling into ruin. If not preserved, the money expended in their erection is thrown away. The number of the rank and file of our army, as at present organized, is so small that it is impossible for the troops to occupy all the forts. The companies, now consisting of about fifty men, should be increased to sixty or eighty, with four sergeants and four corporals to each, so as to enable them to render all the service required to be performed by an army. Our forts must be kept in repair and our guns and gun-carriages preserved. Several companies have been recently removed from their stations to perform service in Florida; two of these companies have been entirely cut off by the Indians, thus farther reducing the number of the rank and file, already too small. By concentrating the troops in Florida, the forts in Louisiana have been mostly left without men to preserve them.

The unsettled state of affairs in Mexico, and the actual war in Texas, will cause a restiveness among the Indian tribes on the southwestern border of the United States, which should not be unprovided for. General Gaines, we are told, has been ordered to that frontier to prevent an interference by our Indians with the enemies of our neighbors, and it is possible that some portion of the force now on the upper Mississippi will have to be withdrawn and sent south. This will leave the northwestern frontier exposed to the mercy of the innumerable tribes on the upper Mississippi and Missouri rivers. Nothing but the presence of a force sufficient to crush all opposition will keep our Indians long quiet, and it is our wisest policy to provide that force at this time.

The presence of a respectable force at Forts Armstrong and Snelling, in 1831-'2, would have prevented the war with the Soukees, which cost us two and a half millions, and a similar array of troops, if stationed at Fort King and Tampa Bay last year, would certainly have prevented the war now going on in Florida-a war which will probably cost us two millions more, and must certainly end in the annihilation of the poor deluded

Seminoles.

Mr. T. said that, in relation to the second resolution, for increasing the pay and emoluments of the officers of the army, he was not prepared to give an opinion that an increase was necessary, but he knew that there were some who thought an increase should be made in the compensation to some grades of the officers of our army. He considered the officers of our army a most meritorious class of men; they brave the dangers of every clime where duty calls them; they risk their health, their lives, their all, in our defence, and he felt confident that every citizen of our country would concur in giving them an ample compensation, he would say a liberal one. He hoped that the Military Committee would give the subject a careful investigation, and report the facts to the Senate; and he felt confident that the Senate and the country would do this valuable class of men ample justice, and that he knew the officers would be content with a just reward of their valuable services. These, sir, are briefly the reasons which have induced me to offer the resolutions, and I hope they may be adopted.

SCHOOL LANDS.

A bill to authorize the relinquishment of the 16th sections of public lands, reserved for the use of schools, and the substitution of other lands in lieu thereof, was taken up for consideration.

Some discussion took place on this bill, in which Mr. CLAY, Mr. MOORE, Mr. KING of Alabama, and Mr. BLACK, took part. After the bill had been reported by the committee,

[SENATE.

Mr. CLAY expressed his hope that this munificent bill, which allows the new States to select a section, in stead of being compelled to take every sixteenth section of a township, whether valuable or valueless, would be appreciated by the West.

Mr. KING, of Alabama, protested against the bill being considered in the light of an obligation to the

West.

Mr. CLAY intimated that if the Senator from Alabama was in a different situation from that which he now filled, in that situation in which he (Mr. C.) hoped to see him shortly, he would be more ready to allow the liberality of a measure which provided the means for the education of the rising generation--a liberality which every father of a family would know how to value.

Mr. LINN admitted the importance of the bill to the interests of the West, but declined giving any opinion as to the amount of gratitude due.

The bill was ordered to a third reading.

CUMBERLAND ROAD.

A bill to continue the Cumberland road in the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, was taken up.

Mr. HENDRICKS moved to amend the clause appropriating $320,000 for the road in Ohio, by striking out two and inserting five, so as to read $350,000. After some remarks from Mr. CLAY,

Mr. CALHOUN moved to lay the bill on the table, to remain there until the question as to a war should be determined.

After a few words from Mr. HENDRICKS,

On motion of Mr. NAUDAIN, it was ordered that when the Senate adjourns, it adjourn to meet on Monday. The Senate then adjourned.

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8.

MEDIATION OF GREAT BRITAIN.

A message was received from the President of the United States on the subject of the mediation of Great Britain, as follows;

WASHINGTON, February 8, 1836. To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I therefore

The Government of Great Britain has offered its mediation for the adjustment of the dispute between the United States and France. Carefully guarding that point in the controversy which, as it involves our honor and independence, admits of no compromise, I have cheerfully accepted the offer. It will be obviously improper to resort even to the mildest measures of a com. pulsory character, until it is ascertained whether France has declined or accepted the mediation. recommend a suspension of all proceedings on that part of my special message of the 15th of January last, which proposes a partial non-intercourse with France. While we cannot too highly appreciate the elevated and disinterested motives of the offer of Great Britain, and have a just reliance upon the great influence of that Power to restore the relations of ancient friendship between the United States and France, and know, too, that our own pacific policy will be strictly adhered to until the national honor compels us to depart from it, we should be insensible to the exposed condition of our country, and forget the lessons of experience, if we did not efficiently and sedulously prepare for an adverse result. The peace of a nation does not depend exclusively upon its own will, nor upon the beneficent policy of neighboring Powers; and that nation which is found totally unprepared for the exigencies and dangers of war, although it come without having given warning of its approach, is criminally negligent of its honor and its duty.

I cannot too strongly repeat the recommendation al

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