quently republished by Van Nostrand, New York. In 1853 he was made commander, and in 1857 was appointed to the command of the receiving ship North Carolina, lying at the Brooklyn Navy Yard. At the commencement of the hostilities resulting in the present war, Captain Ward was summoned to Washington to aid the Government by his counsels. Here he remained and organized the Potomac flotilla, to the command of which he was appointed on the 16th of May, 1861. On the 31st of May he, with the Freeborn, Anacosta and Resolute, cannonaded the Confederate batteries at Acquia Creek, silencing three of them, and only retiring when his ammunition became exhaust ed. The next day, aided by the Pawnee, he resumed the attack, and succeeded in silencing the guns. On the 26th of June, upon discovering that a battery was being erected at Matthias Point by the Confederates, he sent to the Pawnee for aid to throw up breastworks; when completed, as the men were returning to the boats for the guns, a destructive fire was opened upon them by the enemy in ambush. The crew hastened to the steamer, the Freeborn covering their retreat. Captain Ward gallantly stood at his post sighting one of the guns, when he was struck by a Minié ball and almost instantly killed. His body was carried with due honor to New York, where it was received and laid in state on the North Carolina. After many testimonials of respect and affection, it was conveyed to Hartford and, after appropriate funeral honors, was buried by the side of his parents.

WASHINGTON, the political capital of the United States, is situated on the left bank of the Potomac River, between two small tributaries-the one on the east called the East Branch, and the one on the west called Rock Creek, the latter separating it from Georgetown. It is 38 miles south-southwest of Baltimore, and 122 miles north of Richmond, Virginia.

The Constitution of the United States provides that the Federal Government shall have exclusive jurisdiction over a territory 10 miles square, in which shall be located the capital of the nation. Quite a strife arose in the early sessions of Congress relative to the location of the seat of Government. Many places were proposed, as Trenton in New Jersey, Philadelphia and Harrisburg in Pennsylvania, Wilmington in Delaware, and Baltimore and Georgetown in Mary. land. The measure finally became combined with what was called the "Assumption Bill." This bill proposed that the Government should assume the debts of the several States, which were contracted during the revolutionary war. This bill, and the one to locate the seat of Government, had failed in Congress by small majorties. There was a strong sectional party in favor of each, but not a majority. The Eastern and Middle States were for the assumption, and the Southern States against it; the latter desired the location of the seat of Government on the bank of the Potomac; the former upon the

Susquehannah. The discontent was extreme on each side at losing its favorite measure. At last the two plans were combined. Two members from the Potomac, who had voted against the assumption, agreed to change their votes; a few from the Eastern and Middle States who had voted against the Potomac, agreed to change in its favor. Mr. Jefferson gives the following account of it: "This measure (the assumption) produced the most bitter and angry contest ever known in Congress before or since the union of the States. I arrived (from France) in the midst of it; but a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors in it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, and as yet unaware of its object, I took no concern in it. The great and trying question, however, was lost in the House of Representatives. So high were the feuds excited on this subject that, on its rejection, business was suspended. Congress met and adjourned from day to day without doing any thing, the parties being too much out of temper to do business together. The Eastern members threatened secession and dissolution. Hamilton was in despair. As I was going to the President's one day I met him in the street. He walked me backwards and forwards before the President's door for half an hour. He painted pathetically the temper into which the Legislature had been wrought-the disgust of those who were called the creditor States-the danger of the secession of their members, and of the separation of the States. He observed that the members of the Administration ought to act in concert-that, though this question was not of my Department, yet a common duty should make it a common concern-that the President was the centre upon which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us should rally around him, and support, with joint efforts, measures approved by him; and that the question having been lost by a small majority only, it was probable that an ap peal from me to the judgment and discretion of some of my friends, might effect a change in the vote, and the machine of government, now suspended, be again set in motion. I told him that I was really a stranger to the whole subject; that not having yet informed myself of the system of finances adopted, I knew not how far this was a necessary sequence; that, undoubtedly, if its rejection endangered a dissolution of the Union at this incipient stage, I should deem that the most unfortunate of all consequences, to avert which all partial and temporary evils should be yielded. I proposed to him, however, to dine with me the next day, and I would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference together, and I thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which would save the Union. The discussion took place. I could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, because I was a stranger to the circumstances which

should govern it. But it was finally agreed that, whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of the Union and of concord among the States was more important, and that therefore it would be better that the vote of rejection should be rescinded-to effect which some members should change their votes. But it was observed that this pill would be peculiarly bitter to the Southern States, and that some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. There had before been propositions to fix the seat of Government either at Philadelphia or Georgetown on the Potomac, and it was thought that by giving it to Philadelphia for 10 years, and to Georgetown permanently afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone; so two of the Potomac members agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton undertook to carry the other point." Congress accordingly continued its sessions at Philadelphia until suitable preparations were made, and then removed to Washington. The subsequent growth and improvement of the city have been on a scale corresponding to its importance. The population in 1860 was 61,123. In January of 1861, it was reported at Washington, then the scene of the greatest political excitement in the country, that the President elect, Mr. Lincoln, had contemplated coming to Washington from the West by the route of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, but in consequence of apprehended dangers had changed his purpose. This led to the following letter from the mayor of Washington to the president of the railroad company:

MAYOR'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON,
February 1, 1861.

SIR: I learn that the President elect, until very recently, contemplated passing over your road from Wheeling to this city, and that, owing to rumored intentions on the part of citizens of Maryland and Virginia to interfere with his travel to our capital, you were induced to make diligent inquiry as to the truth of these threats. If correctly informed, will you do me the favor to state the result of your inquiries touching this matter?

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JAMES G. BERRET, Mayor.

JNO. W. GARRETT,

Pres. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Comp'y. On the 4th of February Mr. Garrett replied: I can assure you that there is not and has not been the least foundation for any of the rumors to which you refer, and which have been industriously circulated in the Northwest. They are the simple inventions of those who are agents in the West for other lines, and are set on foot more with a hope of interfering with the trade and travel on the shortest route to the seaboard than with any desire to promote the. safety and comfort of the President elect. His safety and comfort would have been perfectly assured from the Ohio River to Washington, had he adhered to his original purpose.

Our road is regarded, both in Maryland and Virginia, as a monument of the common enterprise of their people and as the means of a common prosperity, This feeling is of itself sufficient to protect the travel and freight of the road from all annoyance. I can only regret that the purpose of the President elect

to travel by another route should serve to give countenance to stories which are in every respect unfounded.

Rumors of an attack upon Washington by bodies of men sympathizing with the secessionists had prevailed for some time previous. The substance of them was that an organization had been formed with the design of capturing the oity. Small bodies of the regular army were therefore from time to time concentrated there.

On the 4th of February the Senate of the Virginia Legislature adopted a resolution, thật in their opinion, there were "no just grounds for believing that citizens of Virginia meditate an attack on or seizure of the Federal property, or an invasion of the District of Columbia, and that all preparations to resist the same are unnecessary so far as this State is concerned."

Ex-Governor Wise of that State, upon whom such a design had been charged, in a speech at Richmond on Feb. 14, "denounced as false the report that he ever contemplated the invasion of Washington to prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln. He deprecated civil war, but counselled active preparations to resist coercion. He was for the Union and the Constitution, but would never submit to a Northern Confederacy. He believed that if Virginia would take a firm stand and do her duty faithfully, all would yet be well. But she should demand that the Government should vacate the forts and arsenals in the South, and stand as a mediator between the North and the South."

On the 11th of February the House of Representatives of Congress adopted a resolution requesting the President to communicate "the reasons that had induced him to assemble so large a number of troops in this city, and why they are kept here; and whether he has any information of a conspiracy upon the part of any portion of the citizens of this country to seize upon the capital and prevent the inaugu ration of the President elect." To this resolution the President replied on the 1st of March, stating that the number of troops in Washing ton was 653, exclusive of marines, who were at the navy yard as their appropriate station. He further stated that these troops were ordered to Washington to act as a posse comitatus, in strict obedience to the civil authority, for the purpose of preserving peace and order in Washington, if this should have been necessary before or st the period of the inauguration of the President elect. At a time of high excitement, conse quent upon revolutionary events-when the very air was filled with rumors, and individuals indulged in the most extravagant expressions of fears and threats, the President did not think that, before adopting this precautionary messure, he should have waited to obtain proof of the actual existence of a conspiracy to seize the capital. The safety of the immense amount of public property in the city, and that of the archives of the Government, in which all the States, and especially the new States in which

the public lands are situated, have a deep interest, required prompt action, no less than the peace and order of the city, and the security of the inauguration of the President elect, which were objects of vast importance to the whole country.

The resolution of the House had been referred by the President to the Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, who returned an answer to the President on the 18th of February, in which he thus expressed his belief in the existence of an organization to capture Washington:

At what time the armed occupation of Washington City became a part of the revolutionary programme, is not certainly known. More than six weeks ago, the impression had already extensively obtained that a conspiracy for the accomplishment of this guilty purpose was in process of formation, if not fully matured. The earnest endeavors made by men known to be devoted to the revolution, to hurry Virginia and Maryland out of the Union, were regarded as preparatory steps for the subjugation of Washington. This plan was in entire harmony with the aim and spirit of those seeking the subversion of the Government, since no more fatal blow at its existence could be struck than the permanent and hostile possession of the seat of its power. It was in harmony, too, with the avowed designs of the revolutionists, which looked to the formation of a confederacy of all the slave States, and necessarily to the conquest of the capital within their limits. It seemed not very indistinctly prefigured in a proclamation made upon the floor of the Senate, without qualification, if not exultingly, that the Union was already dissolved-a proclamation which, however intended, was certainly calculated to invite, on the part of men of desperate fortunes or of revolutionary States, a raid upon the capital. In view of the violence and turbulent disorders already exhibited in the South, the public mind could not reject such a scheme as at all improbable. That a belief in its existence was entertained by multitudes, there can be no doubt, and this belief I fully shared. My conviction rested not only on the facts already alluded to, but upon information, some of which was of a most conclusive character, that reached the Government from many parts of the country, not merely expressing the prevalence of the opinion that such an organization had been formed, but also often furnishing the plausible grounds on which the opinion was based. Superadded to these proofs, were the oft-repeated declarations of men in high political positions here,

and who were known to have intimate affiliations with the revolution-if indeed they did not hold its reins in their hands to the effect that Mr. Lincoln would not, or should not, be inaugurated at Washington. Such declarations, from such men, could not be treated as empty bluster. They were the solemn utterances of those who well understood the import of their words, and who, in the exultation of the temporary victories gained over their country's flag in the South, felt assured that events would soon give them the power to verify their predictions. Simultaneously with these prophetic warnings, a Southern journal of large circulation and influence, and which is published near the city of Washington, advocated its seizure as a possible political necessity.

A select committee of the House of Representatives, of which Mr. Howard of Michigan was chairman, made a report, in which they said that they had thoroughly investigated the subject, and were of opinion that the evidence before them did not prove the existence of a secret organization at Washington or elsewhere hostile to the Government, and that had for its object, upon its own responsibility, an attack

upon the capital, or any of the public property there, or an interruption of any of the functions of the Government. At the same period a resolution was offered in the House of Representatives, expressing the opinion "that the regular troops now in this city ought to be forthwith removed therefrom." This was laid on the table.

Whatever of excitement and alarm existed in the city, had entirely subsided before the 1st of March, and a feeling of comparative peace and security prevailed.

The ceremonies at the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln were in some respects the most brilliant and imposing ever witnessed at Washington. Nearly 20 well-drilled military companies of the District, comprising a force of more than 2,000 men, were on parade. Georgetown sent companies of cavalry, infantry, and artillery of fine appearance. The troops stationed at the City Hall and Willard's Hotel became objects of attraction to vast numbers of both sexes. At noon the Senate Committee called upon President Buchanan, who proceeded with them to Willard's Hotel to receive the President elect. The party thus composed, joined by other distinguished citizens, then proceeded, in open carriages, along the avenue at a moderate pace, with military in front and rear, and thousands of private citizens, in carriages, on horseback, and on foot, crowding the broad street. The capitol was reached by passing up on the north side of the grounds, and the party entered the building by the northern door over a temporary planked walk. During the hour and a half previous to the arrival of President Buchanan and the President elect in the Senate chamber, that hall presented a gayer spectacle than ever before. The usual desks of the senators had been removed, and concentric lines of ornamented chairs set for the dignitaries of this and other lands with which this country was in bonds of amity and friendship. The inner half-circle on the right was occupied by the judges of the Supreme Court, and by senators. The corresponding half-circle on the extreme left was occupied by the members of the cabinets of Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Lincoln, mingled together, and further on by senators. The concentric circle further back was filled by senators. The next halfcircle on the right by the members of the diplomatic corps, all in the full court dress of their respective countries. In the half-circle immediately in the rear of that occupied by the ministers were the secretaries and attachés. The half-circles on the left, corresponding to those occupied by the corps diplomatique, furnished places for senators and governors of States and Territories. Outside of all, on both sides, stood-for there was no further room for seats-the members of the House of Representatives and chief officers of the executive bureaus. The galleries all round the Senate were occupied by ladies.

At a quarter past one o'clock the President

Companies of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, were stationed near and on the Long Bridge. About midnight two companies of rifles were advanced across the bridge to the neighborhood of Roach's Spring. Scouts were sent out in all directions, who managed to get past the line of Virginia pickets. Somewhat later the latter, getting the alarm, set spurs to their horses, and made off down the road towards Alexandria in haste. Volunteers of the District of Columbia were also advanced towards Alexandria. At Georgetown, above, a move ment was made about half-past eleven over the aqueduct by the Georgetown battalion. They drove off the two or three pickets on the Virginia side of the river, and soon established themselves in position. Next followed the Fifth Massachusetts Regiment, Twenty-eighth Brooklyn Regiment, Company B of the United States Cavalry, and the Sixty-ninth Regiment. The last-named regiment scoured Alexandria County, and went back as far as the Loudon and Hampshire Railroad. The sight of the troops crossing the aqueduct, with their burnished weapons gleaming in the bright moonlight, was strikingly beautiful. About 2 o'clock in the morning another large body of troops passed over from Washington and the neighborhood. The Seventh New York Regiment halted under orders at the Virginia end of the : Long Bridge; the Second New Jersey Regiment went to Roach's Spring, half a mile from the end of the bridge; the New York Twenty-fifth and one cavalry company, and the New York Twelfth and the Third and Fourth New Jersey regiments, proceeded to the right, after crossing the bridge, for the occupation of the heights of Arlington. They were joined by the other troops, which crossed at the Georgetown aqueduct.

Ellsworth's Zouaves, in two steamers, with the steamer James Guy as tender, left their camp on the East Branch, and made directly for Alexandria by water. The Michigan Regiment, under Col. Wilcox, accompanied by a detachment of United States Cavalry and two pieces of Sherman's battery, proceeded by way of the Long Bridge directly for Alexandria. At four o'clock A. M., at about the same time, the Zouaves landed at Alexandria from the steamers, and the troops, who proceeded by the bridge, reached that town. As the steamers drew up near the wharf, armed boats left the Pawnee, whose crews leaped upon the wharfs just before the Zouaves reached the shore. The crews of the Pawnee's boats were fired upon by the few Virginia sentries as the boats left the steamship, by way of giving the alarm, when these sentries instantly fled into the town. Their fire was answered by scattering shots from some of the Zouaves on the decks of the steamers. Immediately on landing, the Zouaves marched up into the centre of the town, no resistance whatever to their progress being offered. Thus quiet possession was taken of that part of Alexandria, in the name of the

United tes, by that portion of the troops immediately commanded by Col. Ellsworth, The Michigan regiment, at the same time, marched into the town by the extension of the Washington turnpike, the cavalry and artillery maching in two or three streets below. The destination of both these detachments was the depot of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, which they instantly seized. They also found near by a disunion company of cavalry, of thirty-five men, and as many horses, who were made prisoners, not having heard the alarm made by the firing of the sentries below. A portion of the Virginian force escaped in cars. Thus was possession taken of the Virginia shore. Intrenching tools were conveyed over from Washington; the next day intrenchments were thrown up, and about noon a large national flag was raised within them, and thrown out to the winds. Great numbers of spectators, of both sexes, lined the heights on the east bank of the Potomac, watching the movements of the troops with eager interest. The only disastrous event occurring was the death of Col. Ellsworth, commander of the Fire Zouave regiment of New York. (See ELLSWORTH). The intrenchments thus commenced, subsequently became of immense extent, and with those on the other sides of Washington, consisted of forty-eight works, mounting 300 guns. The whole defence perimeter occupied was about thirty-five miles.

On the 9th of June a movement of troops up the Potomac took place from Washington. The Rhode Island battery, under Col. Burnside, was sent to join the force under Gen. Patterson at Chambersburg, and on the next day three battalions of District of Columbia Volunteers, numbering 1,000 men, moved up the Rockville road along the Potomac towards Edwards' Ferry. This point is about thirty miles from Georgetown, and equidistant from Washington and Harper's Ferry. It is the only crossing for teams between the Point of Rocks and the District. The road passed from Frederick (Md.) across a bridge over the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, to the established ferry across the Potomac, and terminated in Leesburg, Va., which is only four miles distant from the crossing. This route was at the time a general thoroughfare for the transit of secessionists from Maryland, and also for military stores, provisions, &c.

The quota of 1,000 men required from the District of Columbia was furnished to the Government by Washington and Georgetown at once. The supplies of military stores held by the Government at Washington were of the most extensive nature. The issues of ordnance and ordnance stores for the space of four months, between the 1st of July and 31st Oct. 1861, were as follows: 152,347 small arms, 14,454 sabres, 3,740 swords, 48,000 sets of accoutrements for foot soldiers, 16,465 do. for mounted soldiers, 16,685 sets of horse equipments, 2,554 sets of artillery harness. Ammunition.-18,