all of the following posts: Forts Jackson and St. Philip in the Mississippi, below New Orleans, both without garrisons; Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a garrison; Forts Pickens and McRae, Pensacola harbor, with an insufficient garrison for one; Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, without a garrison; Forts Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston harbor, the former with an insufficient garrison, and the latter without any; and Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, without a sufficient garrison. In my opinion, all these works should be immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one of them, by surprise or coup de main, ridiculous. "With the army faithful to its allegiance, and the navy probably equally so, and with a Federal Executive, for the next twelve months, of firmness and moderation, which the country has a right to expect-moderation being an element of power not less than firmness-there is good reason to hope that the danger of secession may be made to pass away without one conflict of arms, one execution, or one arrest for treason. "In the mean time it is suggested that exports should remain as free as at present; all duties, however, on imports, collected, (outside of the cities,*) as such receipts would be needed for the national debt, invalid pensions, &c., and only articles contraband of war be refused admittance. But even this refusal would be unnecessary, as the foregoing views eschew the idea of invading a seceded State. "WINFIELD SCOTT. "NEW YORK, October 29, 1860." The copy sent to Secretary of War, Floyd, contains these additional remarks: "It will be seen that the 'Views' only apply to a case of secession that makes a gap in the present Union. The falling off say of Texas, or of all the Atlantic States, from the Potomac south, was not within the scope of General S.'s provisional remedies. "It is his opinion that instructions should be given, at once, to the commanders of the Barancas, Forts Moultrie and Monroe, to be on their guard against surprises and coups de main. As to regular approaches, nothing can be said or done, at this time, without volunteers. "There is one (regular) company at Boston, one here, (at the Narrows,) one at Pittsburgh, one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge in all five companies only, within reach, to garrison or reinforce the forts mentioned in the Views.' "General Scott is all solicitude for the safety of the Union. He is, however, not without hope that all dangers and difficulties will pass away without leaving a scar or painful recollec tion behind. "The Secretary's most obedient servant, "October 30, 1860. W. S." *In forts or on board ships of war. The great aim and object of this plan was to gain time-say eight or ten months-to await expected measures of conciliation on the part of the North, and the subsidence of angry feelings in the opposite quarter. The part taken by the Secretary of War in favor of the seceding States was not made apparent until some months later. On the 1st of April, three months after the resignation of the Secretary, there appeared at Richmond, Virginia, a eulogy of him which vindicates his patriotism to the Confederate States by a statement of facts: "All who have attended to the developments of the last three months, and know aught of the movements of the Buchanan Administration up to the time of Floyd's resignation, will justify the assertion that the Southern Confederacy would not and could not be in existence at this hour but for the action of the late Secretary of War. The plan invented by Gen. Scott to stop secession was, like all campaigns devised by him, very able in its details, and nearly certain of general success. The Southern States are full of arsenals and forts, commanding their rivers and strategic points. Gen. Scott desired to transfer the army of the United States to these forts as speedily and as quietly as possible. Had he succeeded in doing so, revolution would have been paralyzed in the whole South, and the submissionist party would have been organized on a very different footing from what we now know. The Southern States could not have cut off communication between the Government and the forts without a great fleet, which they cannot build for years, or take them by land without one hundred thousand men, many hundred millions of dollars, and several campaigns, and many a bloody siege. Had Gen. Scott been enabled to get those forts in the condition he desired them to be, the Southern Confederacy would not now exist. "But the cooperation of the Secretary of War is necessary to the movement of troops; and in lieu of coöperating, the Secretary of War thwarted, objected, resisted, and forbade. Every day saw the battle fought in President Buchanan's Cabinet, and every day the solitary champion of the South was forced closer to the corner of the wall. That day came when he was fairly beaten. He resigned, but not with stealth or shame; he resigned with a clap of thunder. While the Administration was giving the orders for the military occupation of the Southern country, it was actually in negotiation with the Commissioners of South Carolina. This fact, if made clearly manifest, sufficiently unveiled the design and the character of the Cabinet, and, causing his resignation to turn on that specification, the Secretary drew the eyes of the entire world on that one focus. The Southern leaders awoke to a sense of their position, and perceiving that if they gave a week's respite to a plot actually in course of execution they were hopelessly lost, they sent over the country the orders which led to the popular seizure of all the forts in the South except two." By these movements the seceding States were protected from the military arm of the Govern ment. The plans for combined operations were concerted at Washington, and made known to the public through the press of that city in the following manner. The leading print said: "The subjoined communication, disclosing the designs of those who have undertaken to lead the movement now threatening a permanent dissolution of the Union, comes to us from a distinguished citizen of the South, who formerly represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of Congress. Temporarily sojourning in this city, he has become authentically informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which he makes himself responsible. Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source, could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor of the Southern people." WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861. I charge that on last Saturday night a caucus was held in this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas. It was then and there resolved in effect to assume to themselves the political power of the South, and, to control all political and military operations for the present, they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts, arsenals, and custom-houses, and advised the Conventions now in session, and soon to assemble, to pass ordinances for immediate secession; but, in order to thwart any operations of the Government here, the Conventions of the seceding States are to retain their representations in the Senate and the House. They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention of Delegates from the seceding States at Montgomery on the 15th of February. This can of course only be done by the revolutionary conventions usurping the powers of the people and sending delegates over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a Provisional Government, which is the plan of the dictators. This caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and Virginia into following the seceding States. Maryland is also to be influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal Governments in Texas. They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in the South-the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the postmasters. They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and navy. The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate. Senators intrusted with the representative sov. ereignty of the States, and sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, while yet acting as the privy councillors of the President, and anxiously looked to by their constituents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberately conceive a conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government through the military organizations, the dangerous secret order of the Knights of the Golden Circle, "Committees of Safety," Southern Leagues, and other agencies at their command; they have instituted as thorough a military and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened country. It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a Convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people. It must essentially be "a monarchy founded upon military principles," or it cannot endure. Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains. It may be too late to sound the alarm. Nothing may be able to arrest the action of revolutionary tribunals But I call upon the people to pause and reflect before whose decrees are principally in "secret sessions." they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants. EATON. A letter from Washington to the Baltimore press, of the 10th, made this statement: "The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a Provisional Government. The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief of the army of defence. Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman now living. Col. Davis is a graduate of West Point, was distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott in military science or courage." It is charged above that the caucus met on Saturday night, January 5th. A despatch from Washington, under the date of January 6th, appeared in the Charleston press on Monday, January 7th, relating to the same caucus, and was as follows: "WASHINGTON, January 6. "The Senators from those of the Southern States which have called Conventions of their people met in caucus last night, and adopted the following resolutions: "Resolved, That we recommend to our respective States immediate secession. "Resolved, That we recommend the holding of a General Convention of the said States, to be holden in the city of Montgomery, Alabama, at some period not later than the 15th day of February, 1861. "These resolutions were telegraphed this even ing to the Conventions of Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. A third resolution is also known to have been adopted, but it is of a confidential character, not to be divulged at present. There was a good deal of discussion in the caucus on the question of whether the seceding States ought to continue their delegations in Congress till the 4th of March, to prevent unfriendly legislation, or whether the Representatives of the seceding States should all resign together, and leave a clear field to the Opposition to pass such bills, looking to coercion, as they may see fit. It is believed that the opinion that they should remain prevailed." The Senators who represented the States above mentioned were as follows: Alabama-Benjamin Fitzpatrick, C. C. Clay, jr. On the capture of Fernandina, in Florida, by the Federal troops, in March, 1862, numerons letters and papers were found in the houses abandoned by the inhabitants, among which was the following letter. Its statement of facts coincides so accurately with the representations of The subsequent progress of events has served to show how accurate was the intelligence, and how deliberate was the inception of the plot devised against the integrity of the Union and the stability of the Government; for the events which have marked the progress of secession since that time have been but the fulfilment of the programme prescribed by this Senatorial caucus. The leaders of the disunion movement did "assume to themselves the political power of the South." They did control "all political and military operations." Forts, arsenals, and custom-houses were seized in obedience to telegraphic orders. (See FORTS.) State Conventions did pass ordinances of immediate and separate secession. A Convention of delegates from the seceding States was held at Montgomery in pursuance of the plan proposed, and these delegates were arbitrarily appointed by the several State Conventions whose members had been elected with no reference whatever to any such ulterior functions. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE.) "Defections from the army and navy were openly rewarded by promotions in the "Southern service." The principal features in all these proceedings in the different States were these: they were prompt, conducted in secret sessions, and afterwards enforced by the State authorities. The people had no calm, deliberate voice in the matter. In some instances the authority calling the State Convention expressly forbid the others who are well known, that there can be no doubt of its authenticity. WASHINGTON, January 7, 1861. MY DEAR SIR:-On the other side is a copy of resolutions adopted at a consultation of the Senators from the seceding States, in which Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were present. The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out at once and provide for the early organization of a Confederate Govern. ment, not later than the 15th of February. This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and Texas to participate. It seemed to be the opinion that if we left here, force, loan, and volunteer bills might be passed, which would put Mr. Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in our places until the 15th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration. The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the Convention. I have not been able to find Mr. Mallory this morning. Hawkins [the Representative from Florida] is in Connecticut. I have, therefore, thought it best to send you this copy of the resolutions. In haste, yours truly, D. L. YULEE. J. S. FINNEGAN, Sovereign Convention. Resolved, That in our opinion, each of the Southern States should, as soon as may be, secede from the Union. Resolved, That provision should be made for a Convention to organize a Confederacy of the seceding States, the Convention to meet not later than the 15th of February, at the City of Montgomery, in the State of Alabama. Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened against the seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation. Resolved, That a Committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out the objects of this meeting. In accordance with these resolutions, the ordinances of secession were passed as follows:-Mississippi, January 9th; Alabama and Florida, January 11th; Louisiana, January 26th: Texas, February 1st. The Confederate Congress met at Montgomery on February 4th, and President Davis was inaugurated February 18th. passage of an ordinance of secession which should be binding, unless it was ratified by the people. On the 19th of January a committee in the Mississippi Legislature reported a series of resolutions to provide for a Southern Confederacy and the establishment of a Provisional Government. On this same day, Gov. Pickens, of South Carolina, sent by telegraph the following despatch to the Commissioner, A. B. Jackson, from that State to Mississippi: "Please urge Mississippi to send delegates to the Montgomery meeting of States, at as early a day as possible-say 4th February-to form imme-. diately a strong Provisional Government. It is the only thing to prevent war, and let that Convention elect immediately a Commanderin-Chief for the seceding States." The State Conventions of South Carolina and Alabama urged the Montgomery Congress, and hence, in the Conventions of all the seceding States, delegates were appointed to this Congress. Among others was Howell Cobb, of Georgia, who resigned his position of Secretary of the Treasury of the United States on the 10th day of December, 1860. So loyal, however, were the people of some of the States, and particularly Louisiana, to the Union, that notwithstanding all the steps of disunion, they still hoped the end would be a reunion. They looked to the fact that the border States remained in the Union as an assurance that they, through the mediation of these States, could be received back after the delirium of secession was over. They openly declared that if, as people of the Gulf States, they could obtain the assurance of a faithful enforcement of the Constitution, in some such form as the Crittenden bill suggested, they would coerce the seceders. They said that at that time there was in favor of the Union and the clearly guaranteed rights of the South under the Constitution of the United States, a vast majority of the people of the Gulf States; and that a compromise on such a basis would put down all who should exclaim against its provisions. These sentiments in favor of reconstruction were rebuked in the most decided manner by fused to vote for any person as a member of the Georgia State Convention. That body rethe Confederate Congress, until he had given assurance that he would, under no contingency, favor reconstruction. It has been stated that the authorities of each State aided the efforts of the Conventions by enforcing the ordinance of secession. These efforts were thoroughly done. All the United States property, whether forts, arsenals, custom-houses, or light-houses, was taken. Not a vestige of the authority of the Federal Government was suffered to remain excepting the Post-Office Department. On the 4th of February the delegates to the Confederate Congress assembled at Montgomery, in Alabama. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE.) Their first duties consisted in preparing a form of organization for themselves and the States which they represented. This resulted in a Provisional Constitution, to continue in operation for one year. Under this Constitution, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. On the 16th of February, Mr. Davis arrived at Montgomery, to be inaugurated and to enter upon the duties of his office. He was greeted with an ovation, to which he responded in an address reviewing the position of the South. He said: "The time for compromise has now passed, and the South is determined to maintain her position, and make all who oppose her smell Southern powder and feel Southern steel if coercion is persisted in. He had no doubts as to the result. He said we will maintain our rights and government at all hazards. We ask nothing, we want nothing; we will have no complications. If the other States join our Confederation they can freely come in on our terms. Our separation from the old Union is now complete. No compromise, no reconstruction is now to be entertained." After reaching the Exchange Hotel he again addressed the crowd from the balcony as follows: "Fellow-citizens and brethren of the Confederated States of America-for now we are brethren, not in name merely, but in fact men of one flesh, one bone, one interest, one purpose, of identity of domestic institutions we have henceforth, I trust, a prospect of living together in peace, with our institutions subject to protection, and not to defamation. It may be that our career will be ushered in in the midst of a storm; it may be that, as this morning opened with clouds, rain, and mist, we shall have to encounter inconveniences at the beginning; but, as the sun rose and lifted the mist, it dispersed the clouds and left us the pure sunlight of heaven. So will progress the Southern Confederacy, and carry us safe into the harbor of constitutional liberty and political equality. We shall fear nothing, because of homogeneity at home and nothing abroad to awe us; because, if war should come, if we must again baptize in blood the principles for which our fathers bled in the Revolution, we shall show that we are not degenerate sons, but will redeem the pledges they gave, preserve the rights they transmitted to us, and prove that Southern valor still shines as bright as in 1776, in 1812, and in every other conflict." In concluding his speech, Mr. Davis said: "I thank you, my friends, for the kind manifestations of favor and approbation you exhibit on this occasion. Throughout my entire progress to this city I have received the same flattering demonstrations of support. I did not regard them as personal to myself, but tendered to me as the humble representative of the principles and policy of the Confederate States. I will devote to the duties of the high office to which I have been called all I have of heart, of head, and of hand. If, in the progress of events, it shall become necessary that my services be needed in another position-if, to be plain, necessity require that I shall again enter the ranks of soldiers-I hope you will welcome me there. And now, my friends, again thanking you for this manifestation of your approba tion, allow me to bid you good night." The inauguration took place at Montgomery,+ on the 18th of February. The hill on which the Capitol is situated, was crowded with the. wealth and beauty, the soldiers and citizens from the different States. In the evening the city was gorgeously illuminated. The President held a levee at Estelle Hall-bands of music played, fireworks were displayed, and a grand and general demonstration was made. (For Inaugural Address see PUBLIO DOCUMENTS.) The cabinet officers of this new Government were as follows: Secretary of State, Robert Toombs; Sécretary of the Treasury, Chas. G. Memminger; Secretary of War, L. Pope Walker. Mr. Stephens appeared in Congress and took the oath of office and entered upon his duties. (See CONGRESS, Confederate.) Several new questions now arose for immediate decision. All the other States of the Union were to the new Confederacy parts of a foreign country. Goods from those States were required to enter at the custom-houses of the Confederacy, and all vessels bound to foreign ports received a clearance in the name of the Confederate States. The mouths of the Mississippi River being in the State of Louisiana, that State, upon her secession from the Union, undertook to collect the duties upon the foreign goods imported, and to appropriate them to her own use. These goods, when destined to ports up the Mississippi or Ohio, within the United States, became subject to the duties imposed by the tariff of the Union. How should this difficulty be adjusted? The Convention of Louisiana passed a resolution pledging the faith of the State to preserve the navigation of the Mississippi free. But this proposition looked to the future, and never was of any benefit. The prospect of a close shutting up of the mouths of the Mississippi to the trade of the Western States, was the most alarming and irritating event which could be presented to the minds of their citizens. It was equally alarming to see that outlet in the possession of a foreign power. Even Kentucky could not retain her calmness under such an anticipation. This was her language: "No doubt, when the Cotton States Government shall go into full operation, the revenue laws of Louisiana, so far as the exaction of duties is concerned, will be substituted by the revenue laws of that Government, and we greatly fear that, unless the favorite old Southern theory of free trade shall prevail, the Government will exact, as Louisiana now does, duties on goods passing up the Mississippi for States out of the Southern Confederacy. It is in vain for any man to attempt to disguise or conceal the fact that, unless the Southern States that have suffered themselves to be precipitated into revolution can be won back, the most dreadful of all national calamities, a bloody and devastating and desolating war, enlisting the fiercest and most destructive energies of hundreds of thousands of men, is as inevitable as the fulfilment of the decrees of God." It was a question in which much interest was manifested, after the inauguration of the .new Government, what its policy would be in relation to the Federal Union. It was soon indirectly made known in the following language: "It will be the policy of the new Government to preserve the status quo of affairs until the 4th of March, when the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln will enable him to indicate the course his Administration will pursue towards the Southern Confederacy. The hope is not yet entirely relinquished that more rational counsels may prevail at Washington, and that, 'making a virtue of necessity,' the Republicans will abandon their idea of coercion, and by a peaceful and conciliatory policy endeavor to preserve all that their folly has not entirely lost to them-commercial relations with the South. It is probable that one of the first acts of the new Government will be to send a commission to Washington, to treat for a peaceable and equitable arrangement of matters between the two Republics-the acknowledgment of our independence, the surrender of the forts, a fair division of the public property and of the public debt. Until it is known how our commissioners will be received, and whether the Federal Government is willing to treat for the peaceable and equitable adjustment of these matters, it would be unwise to take any steps that would be likely to precipitate hostilities. We should prepare for the worst while we hope for the best. As the moral sense of a very large portion of the North is on our side, we should do nothing rashly to forfeit our just claim to the fair judgment of that portion of our late confederates, who are blameless for the causes which led to the disruption of the Union and forced the South to assume her present attitude towards the Federal Government." Military preparations, however, were not neglected. The States of the South, like those of the North, were, with insignificant exceptions, destitute of any well-organized military force. Excepting officers of the army and navy of the United States, and a few others who had survived the Mexican war, inilitary experience and knowledge were most defective. Munitions of war were also lacking. Nevertheless the military spirit of the people was of the first order. Signs of a new life were seen. The powder mills in Pickens district, South Carolina, commenced manufacturing some fifty kegs a day. A contract for three thousand shot and shells for South Carolina was taken in Savannah; another for casting cannon-balls and grape was taken in Mobile. Recruiting for the regular army of Georgia commenced in all parts of the State. Small squads of recruits from Tennessee were passing to South Caro lina. One of the delegates of the Confederate Congress publicly declared their purpose in these words: "We intend to put the strongest force in the field which can be raised, and the President will accept from the States all the men that may be tendered. They will be received with their own officers, but the President must settle all questions of rank and position under the authority of Congress." The plan adopted at this time by Congress, for the regular army of the Confederate States was that it should consist of 10,483 men, rank and file-100 of whom will be of the engineer corps; 3,372 of the artillery; 763 of the cavalry; 6,296 of the infantry. There will be 111 companies, 9 colonels, 8 lieutenant-colonels, 21 majors, 115 captains, 150 first lieutenants, 180 second lieutenants, 450 sergeants, 450 corporals, 8,878 privates, and 222 musicians. The pay of a colonel is $2,340 to $2,520, according to the corps of the service; of a lieutenant-colonel, $2,040 to $2,220; of a major, $1,800 to $1,944; of a captain, $1,560 to $1,680; of a first lieutenant, $1,080 to $1,200; of a second lieutenant, $960 to $1,080. Sergeants or master-workmen of engineer corps, $34 per month; corporals or overseers, $20; privates of first-class, or artificers, $17; do. secondclass, or laborers and musicians, $13; sergeantmajor of cavalry, $21 per month; first sergeant, $20; sergeant, $17; farriers and blacksmiths, $13; privates, $12; in infantry, privates $11. Forage, fuel, and quarters additional to pay, and ten cents per mile mileage when travelling on duty. As each State adopted an ordinance of secession, large numbers of their citizens who were officers of the Federal army and navy, resigned their commissions and entered the service of the Confederate States. On the 3d of March Gen. G. T. Beauregard, one of these officers who had thus resigned, was ordered from New Orleans, to take the command of the Confederate forces at Charleston. On the 6th of March Congress passed an act, which was approved by President Davis, authorizing a military force of 100,000 men to be raised. The principles upon which this new nation, now rising up before the world, as its authors believed, was to be founded, were very fully declared by the second officer of the Government, Mr. Stephens, in a speech delivered to the citizens of Savannah, Georgia. In the first place, the Constitution of the United States was adopted, with some alterations and additions. In those alterations and additions consisted all the objections that could be entertained to their previous form of government. After stating several changes of minor impor tance, he thus proceeded to explain the great and cardinal feature of distinction between the Government of the Confederate States and that of the United States : "The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our |