sible entirely to prevent plunder ing, but during the time the engineer was employed in the destruction of the bazaar, and mosque attached, both cavalry and

infantry were on duty in the city to prevent any outrage.

(signed)

I have, &c.,

G. POLLOCK.

My Lord, Since I had the honour to address your Lordship on the 2nd instant, in reply to your Lordship's letter dated 23rd ultimo, it has occurred to me that I could not produce better proof of the forbearance of the troops under my command than by a reference to their conduct on the morning of the 16th September last. I have already officially detailed the number of troops which accompanied me on the occasion of planting the colours on the Bala Hissar; it was deemed advisable on that occasion to go through a part of the city, and although the troops had arrived only the day before from a march which was abundantly calculated to irritate and exasperate them, they so fully and literally obeyed the orders I had previously given, that not a house or an individual was injured either in going to, or returning from the Bala Hissar.

The destruction of the residence of Khoda Buksh, the chief of Teezeen, may perhaps have been considered an excess. I will therefore explain, that during the time the army remained in advance of Teezeen, the chief of that place was the cause of our communication being cut off; he was repeatedly warned what the consequences would be when an opportunity offered, if he persisted in such a course; but I beg to add, that the injury sustained by the chief in the destruction of his residence entailed no loss on others that I am aware of, as the injury done, was confined almost entirely to the fortified dwelling; forage was found there, and brought into camp, but not an individual was injured.

Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 817, of the 29th ultimo, calling upon me, by directions of the Right Hon. the Governor-Ge

neral of India, to report upon certain excesses said to have been committed by the British troops on retiring from Affghanistan.

I will confine my remarks to

that veteran, gallant, and highly disciplined army which I had the honour to command for so long a period; and I will leave it to my gallant comrade, Sir George Pollock, G.C.B., to defend the honour of the troops he commanded.

First, I am called upon to state, "Upon what private property, and upon what private buildings, injury was inflicted, by my orders or under my toleration, at Ghuznee?" I answer, upon none.

Secondly, I am directed to state, "Whether unresisting individuals, were destroyed in cold blood for mere vengeance, and whether women were either violated or mur. dered for their ornaments?" I will endeavour to suppress my scorn and indignation while I shortly reply to this charge, or suspicion, or whatever it may be called by the persons from whom it emanated. And this is the return made by the people of England (or rather, I would believe, by a few individuals,) to the gallant Candahar army! that army which was for so long a time neglected, but which nevertheless nobly upheld our national honour, and during a period of four years acted with the greatest forbearance and humanity to the people of Afghanistan.

Ghuznee-Colonel Palmer, at the head of a brave garrison, surrendered Ghuznee to various tribes of Affghans; the city was occupied by these people for months; it was vacated by the enemy on the arrival of the army under my command. On its being entered by the British troops, it was found that not a single person was in the city, neither man, nor woman, nor child; there was no property, and I do not believe there was a house left (completely standing) in the

town; the whole had been unroofed and destroyed by the contending Affghans, for the sake of the timber, &c.

I have said there were no inhabitants; and therefore unresisting individuals could not have been destroyed in cold blood, women could not have been violated and ornaments.

murdered for their These, I boldly say, are gross and villainous falsehoods, whoever they emanate from.

I ordered the fortifications and citadel of Ghuznee to be destroyed; it had been the scene of treachery, mutilation, torture, starvation, and cruel murder to our unresisting and imprisoned countrymen. Look at the contrast; see the conduct of the noble British soldier; and is calumny to rob him of the honour? it shall not, as long as I have life to defend his fame.

Rosa. The extensive village or town of Rosa is situated about two miles from Ghuznee, and it is lovely to behold. When this city was taken by the force under my command, Rosa was full of inhabitants, men, women, and children; my troops were encamped close to its walls. Its gardens and houses were full of property; its barns and farmyards were well stored; its orchards were loaded with fruit; its vineyards bent beneath a rich and ripe vintage; the property taken from our murdered and mutilated soldiers of the Ghuznee garrison was seen piled in its dwellings. Were not these tempting objects to the soldier who had undergone four years of fatigue and privation? Some of these soldiers had seen, and all had heard of the treacherous murder of their relations and comrades by these very people :-but why should I enlarge? Four days the victorious

Candahar army remained encamped close to this village, with all these temptations before it and at its mercy, but not a particle of anything was taken from the Aff. ghans; the fruit brought for sale was paid for at a rate far above its value; no man, no living thing was injured. Much more I could say; but so much for the noble British soldier, for Ghuznee, and for the beautiful, rich, and tempting town of Rosa.

I did not command at Cabul; I did not interfere in its concerns; I never was in its bazaars. My division was encamped at a distance, with the exception of one regiment, against which corps I never received a complaint. My division was not in Cabul after Sir George Pollock left; General Pollock's army and my troops marched the same day.

No man under my command was ever detected in plundering, without being immediately punished.

How am I to have patience to reply to, "whether Affghans were permitted to be wantonly treated and murdered?" Is this a proper question to put to a British general officer who has ever had the honour of his country uppermost in his mind and deeply impressed upon his heart? "Permitted," indeed! is it supposed that I am void of religion, that I am ignorant of what is due to that God whom I have worshipped from my childhood; am I thus to have my feelings outraged because a few people in India and in England have sent forth gross falsehoods to the world?

I have confined my reply for the present as much as possible to the questions in your letter. I will only further say, that never did an army march through a country with less marauding and less violence than that which I commanded in Affghanistan.

In Lower Affghanistan, or the Candahar districts, I put down rebellion, quelled all resistance to the British power, in spite of the weakness and fears of my superiors. By mild persuasive measures I induced the whole population to return to the cultivation of their lands, and to live in peace. I left them as friends, and on friendly terms. On my leaving Candahar no man was injured or molested, no man was deprived of his property, and my soldiers and the citizens were seen embracing. It is on record that I informed the Indian government that I could hold the country for any time; it is on record that I informed Lord Auckland, as far back as December 1841, that I could, with permission, re-occupy Cabul with the force under my command; there was nothing to prevent it but the unaccountable panic which prevailed at the seat of government: and now I am rewarded by a certain set of people in England taxing me with that which would be disgraceful to me as a religious man, as an honourable gentleman, and as a British officer. I am, &c.

W. NOTT,

Major-General.

of the United States; who, after a reciprocal communication of their respective full powers, have agreed to and signed the following articles :

ARTICLE I.-It is hereby agreed and declared, that the line of boundary shall be as follows:-Begining at the monument at the source of the River St. Croix, as designated and agreed to by the commissioners under the Fifth Article of the treaty of 1794, between the Governments of Great Britain and the United States; thence north, following the exploring line run and marked by the Surveyors of the two Governments in the years 1817 and 1818, under the Fifth Article of the treaty of Ghent, to its intersection with the river St. John, and to the middle of the channel thereof; thence up the middle of the main channel of the said river St. John to the mouth of the river St. Francis; thence up the middle of the channel of the said river St. Francis, and of the lakes through which it flows, to the outlet of the lake Pohenaga. mook; thence south-westerley, in a straight line, to a point on the north-west branch of the river St. John, which point shall be ten miles distant from the main branch of the St. John, in a straight line and in the nearest direction; but if the said point shall be found to be less than seven miles from the nearest point of the summit or crest of the highlands that divide those rivers which empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those which fall into the river St. John, then the said point shall be made to recede down the said north-west branch of the river St. John, to a point seven miles in a straight line from the said summit or crest; thence in a straight line, in a course

about south, eight degrees west, to the point where the parallel of latitude of 46° 25′ north, intersects the south-west branch of the St. John's; thence southerly by the said branch, to the source thereof in the highlands, at the Metjarmette Portage; thence down along the said highlands, which divide the waters which empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to the head of Hall's Stream; thence down the middle of the said stream, till the line thus run intersects the old line of boundary surveyed and marked by Valentine and Collins previously to the year 1774 as the 45th degree of north latitude, and which has been known and understood to be the line of actual division between the States of New York and Vermont on one side, and the British province of Canada on the other; and from said point of intersection west along the said dividing line, as heretofore known and understood, to the Iroquois, or St. Lawrence river.

ARTICLE II.It is moreover agreed, that from the place where the joint commissioners terminated their labours under the Sixth Article of the treaty of Ghent, to wit, at a point in the Neebish Channel, near Muddy Lake, the line shall run into and along the ship channel between St. Joseph's and St. Tammany Islands, to the division of the channel at or near the head of St. Joseph's Island; thence turning eastwardly and northwardly around the lower end of St. George's or Sugar Island, and following the middle of the channel which divides St. George's from St. Joseph's Island; thence up the east Neebish Channel nearest to St. George's Island, through