regulation depended very much upon the talents of the character who was placed at the head of that department; it was not because it affected this or that merchant or tradesman. He wished to see a man of property; a man of commercial knowledge; a man of experience; and a man who was attached to the Navy, at the head of that department. By this bill a man in that situation must be prohibited from placing his money in the public funds; from dealing in public lands; from putting it in commerce, or from using it in trade of any kind. Now, what was a man of large property to do with his money? It could not be supposed that men of large capital, or men of business, or men of experience, would accept an appointment under the limitations to which they must subject themselves. Mr. MACON hoped the amendment would be agreed to, and the bill pass. He supposed the bill must have originated in the Senate, either from past experience, or from the intrinsic necessity of such a preventive to what might produce a public fraud, by public money being used to speculate for private advantage. Man is man wherever he is placed, and to guard against his frailties is wise legislation. He wished to confide the money of the people to no man further than was necessary. Mr. S. SMITH answered, that it would be impossible, by any measure of this kind, to make a dishonest man act with integrity. It must be to the honor and honesty of the man the public property must be confided. He produced an instance of speculation in a public officer, who was entrusted with the good of the community; but it was not the act of a merchant, he said; and not from merchants, nor from any particular description of men, but men devoid of principle, evils were to be expected. On the contrary, integrity and honesty alone could insure the right use of a public confidence. On the question, the amendment was lost. lost. and The question was taken whether this motion was in order. It was decided to be in order. The yeas and nays were ordered. Mr. CHRISTIE said he should not point out the improprieties in the conduct of the Speaker while in the Chair, otherwise than by his vote, though he possessed the right to call up to the recollection of the House the many inconsistencies his presidency had been marked with. In doing that, Mr. Speaker, I shall behave better to you than you have ever done to me. The cry of order!" "order!" prevented any more being said, and Mr. C. sat down. The yeas and nays were then taken, and resulted-yeas 40, nays 35, as follows: YEAS-George Baer, Bailey Bartlett, James A. Bayard, John Brown, Christopher G. Champlin, William MARCH, 1801. Craik, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, Franklin Davenport, John Dennis, Joseph Dickson, William Edmond, Thos. Evans, Abiel Foster, Henry Glen, Chauncey Goodrich, Roger Griswold, William Barry Grove, Robert Goodloe Harper, Archibald Henderson, Benja min Huger, James H. Imlay, John Wilkes Kittera, Henry Lee, Silas Lee, Lewis R. Morris, Robert Page, Thomas Pinckney, Jonas Platt, Leven Powell, John Reed, Nathan Read, William Shepard, John C. Smith, Chew Thomas, Lemuel Williams, and Henry Woods. James Sheafe, Samuel Tenney, George Thatcher, John Brown, Samuel J. Cabell, Gabriel Christie, William NAYS-Willis Alston, Theodorus Bailey, Robert Charles Cole Claiborne, Thomas T. Davis, John Dawson, George Dent, Joseph Eggleston, John Fowler, Albert Gallatin, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Joseph Heister, David Holmes, Michael Leib, Matthew Lyon, James Lynn, Edward Livingston, Nathaniel Macon, Peter Muhlenberg, Anthony New, John Nicholas, John Randolph, John Smilie, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Richard Stanford, David Stone, Thomas Sumter, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, and Joseph B. Varnum. Whereupon, Mr. SPEAKER made his acknowl edgments to the House in the manner following: Accept, gentlemen, my thanks, I pray you, for the respectful terms in which you have been pleased to express the opinion you entertain of the manner in which I have discharged the arduous duties of the sta tion to which I was raised by your kind regard. Although I am conscious of having intended faithfully to execute the trust confided to this Chair, yet I am sensible that, whatever success may have attended my endeavors, is justly attributable to the candid, honorable, and firm support which you have constantly afforded. I cannot lay the least claim to merit for any thing that I have done; because the generous confidence which you had reposed in me, demanded that I should devote all my feeble talents to your service. Being now about to retire from this House, and, as hope, from the public councils forever, permit me, gentlemen, to bid you, collectively and individually, an to indulge repose in the shade of private life; but the affectionate farewell. It is true that I have long wished moment of separation inflicts an anguish inexpressible by language. It is a separation from men of dignity of character, of honorable sentiments, and of disinterested and solace amidst all the fatigue and vexation of public patriotim; an association with whom has been my pride life. Of the friendship of such men, long uninter rupted and cordial as it has been, I shall always cherish a grateful remembrance. May you receive the reward most grateful to generous spirits, the reward of witnessing, as the effects of your labors, the increasing prosperity, and happiness, and glory, of your country. As the last words which I shall utter, as a public man, allow me to declare, that those with whom I have had the honor, here, to act and think, whose confidence I have enjoyed, whose bosoms have been opened to my inspection, in my cool and reflected opinion, deserve all of esteem, affection, and gratitude, which their coun trymen can bestow. On this occasion I deem myself this declaration; and I do it in the most solemn manauthorized, from the present circumstances, to make of America; and not only so, but in the awful presence ner, in the presence of the assembled Representatives of that heart-searching Being to whom I feel myself responsible for all my conduct. May the Almighty keep you in his holy protection. Farewell. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have appointed a committee on their part, jointly, with such committee as may be appointed on the part of this House, to wait on the President of the United States, and to inform him that Congress is ready to adjourn without day, unless he may have any further communications to make to them. H. OF R. gress, reported that the committee had, according to order, performed that service, and that the President signified to them that he had no further communication to make, but the expression of his wishes for the health and happiness of the members, and a pleasant journey on their return to their homes and families. Ordered, That a message be sent to the Senate The House proceeded to consider the foregoing to inform them that this House, having completed resolution of the Senate, agreed to the same, and the business before them, are now ready to adappointed Mr. PINCKNEY and Mr. GROVE the com-journ without day; and that the Clerk of this mittee on the part of this House. House do go with the said message. Mr. PINCKNEY, from the joint committee of the The Clerk accordingly went with the said mestwo Houses, appointed to notify the President of sage; and being returned, Mr. SPEAKER adjournthe United States of the proposed recess of Con- led the House, sine die. APPENDIX TO THE HISTORY OF THE SIXTH CONGRESS. COMPRISING THE MOST IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS ORIGINATING DURING THAT CONGRESS, AND THE PUBLIC ACTS PASSED BY IT. UNITED STATES, Dec. 5, 1799. Renewal of Commerce with St. Domingo. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION. Whereas, by an act of the Congress of the United States, passed the 9th day of February last, entitled "An act further to suspend the commercial intercourse between the United States and France, and the dependencies thereof," it is provided. That, at any time after the passing of this act, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, if he shall deem it expedient and consistent with the interests of the United States, by his order, to remit and discontinue for the time being, the restraints and prohibitions by the said act imposed, either with respect to the French Republic, or to any island, port, or place, belonging to the said Republic, with which a commercial intercourse may safely be renewed; and also to revoke such order whenever, in his opinion, the interests of the United States shall require; and he is authorized to make proclamation thereof accordingly: And, whereas, the arrangements which have been made at St. Domingo, for the safety of the commerce of the United States, and for the admission of American vessels into certain ports of that island, do, in my opinion, render it expedient, and for the interest of the United States, to renew a commercial intercourse with such ports: Therefore, I, JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States, by virtue of the powers vested in me by the above-recited act, do hereby remit and discontinue the restraints and prohibitions therein contained, within the limits and under the regulations here following, to wit: 1. It shall be lawful for vessels which have departed or may depart from the United States, to enter the ports of Cape François and Port Republicain, formerly called Port-au-Prince, in the said island of St. Domingo, on and after the 1st day of August next. in St. Domingo than Cape François and Port 2. No vessel shall be cleared for any other port Republicain. 3. It shall be lawful for vessels, which shall enter the said ports of Cape François and Port Republicain, after the thirty-first day of July next, to depart from thence to any port in said island between Monte Christi, on the north, and Petit Goave, on the west, provided it be done with the consent of the Government of St. Domingo, and pursuant to certificates or passports expressing such consent, signed by the Consul General of the United States, or Consul residing at the port of departure. 4. All vessels sailing in contravention of these regulations will be out of the protection of the United States, and be, moreover, liable to capture, seizure, and confiscation. Given under my hand and the seal of the Uni- By the President: Mission to France. Letter from Patrick Henry, Esq., to the Secretary of State. CHARLOTTE COUNTY, (Va.) SIR: Your favor of the 25th ultimo did not reach me till two days ago. I have been confined for several weeks by a severe indisposition, and am still so sick as to be scarcely able to write this. My advaaced age and increasing debility compel me to abandon every idea of serving my country, where the scene of operation is far distant, and her interests call for incessant and longcontinued exertion. Conscious as I am of my inability to discharge the duties of Envoy, &c. Relations with France. to France, to which, by the commission you send me, I am called, I herewith return it. rupture between the two Republics? Neither incompatible interests, nor projects of aggrandizeI cannot, however, forbear expressing on this ment, divide them. After all, distrust alone has occasion, the high sense I entertain of the honor done the whole. The Government of the Unidone me by the President and Senate in the ap- ted States has thought that France wanted to revpointment; and I beg of you, sir, to present me olutionize it. France has thought that the Govto them in terms of the most dutiful regard, as-ernment of the United States wanted to throw suring them that this mark of their confidence in itself into the arms of England. It does not reme, at a crisis so eventful, is a very agreeable and quire much skill to divine which is the Cabinet flattering proof of their consideration towards me, interested in the two events producing each other, and that nothing short of absolute necessity could and which invisibly puts in motion all the expeinduce me to withhold my little aid from an Ad-dients calculated to make them take effect. Let us ministration whose abilities, patriotism, and virtue, deserve the gratitude and reverence of all their fellow-citizens./ With sentiments of very high regard, and unfeigned esteem, I am, sir, &c. P. HENRY. open our eyes on both sides. I am disposed to admit that the conduct of the Government of the United States may be explained by other causes than those heretofore presumed. But let it on its part understand that the French Government, wounded as it may be, is too wise to entertain the views of disturbance which the other supposes. It concerns a Republic, founded on the system of repestablishments. The stability of this system abroad is a necessary example at home. France, in fine, has a double motive, as a nation and as a Repub lic, not to expose to any hazard the present existence of the United States. Therefore, it never thought of making war against them, nor exciting civil commotions among them; and every contrary supposition is an insult to common sense. Copy of a letter from Mr. Talleyrand, as Minister of Exterior Relations, to Mr. Pichon, Secretary of Le-resentation, to support and not to weaken similar gation, Hague, dated PARIS, 11th Fructidor, (August 28, 1798,) 6th year. I see with pleasure, citizen, that the intercourse of society has procured you some political conversations with Mr. Murray. I entertain an esteem for that Minister. Like all the men at the head of the affairs of the United States, he has These fundamental principles being established, received the impressions which the British Cabi- it is natural to ask by what fatality a good undernet has known how to give against us. He thinks standing was not long since restored. It was be the measures of his Government just, and sup-cause irritation being mingled with distrust, neiports them; but he possesses reason, understand-ther party yielded to real conciliatory inclinaing, and a true attachment to his country: he is neither French nor English: he is ingenuously an American. I am not at all surprised that he has appeared to you to wish sincerely for the reconciliation of the two Republics. I will, therefore, cheerfully answer the questions you put to me on different points, which appeared to you not to be well established in his mind. tions. In the United States it was supposed that the French Government was temporizing, in order to strike the blow with greater certainty; whence resulted a crowd of measures more and more aggravating. In France it was supposed that the Government of the United States wished only the appearances of a negotiation, whence resulted a certain demand for pledges of good faith. I do not see between France and the United Let us substitute calmness for passion, confiStates any clashing of interests, any cause of dence for suspicions, and we shall soon agree. I jealousy. The Americans wish to be fishermen, used my endeavors to enter upon a negotiation in sailors, manufacturers, and especially husband- this spirit with Mr. Gerry. My correspondence men. In all these points of view, their success is with him, until the day of his departure, is a cumore at the expense of England than us. Why rious monument of advances on my part, and of should we be uneasy about them? They aspire evasions on his. It is wrong to think that I conto the consolidation of their national existence, fined myself to vague protestations. Among that and it is to our purpose that they should succeed. series of official letters, which will doubtless be In fact, we should have decided upon very super-published at Philadelphia, I select one, of the 30th ficial views to sustain their independence, if the Prairial, wherein you will see that I make very matter was to separate them from England mere- positive propositions, without any mixture of prely to leave them finally insulated among them-liminary conditions. This letter was followed by selves, on an extensive seacoast, weak, rivalling, three notes upon the articles to be discussed, and and impoverished by each other, and torn by for-I intended to complete the others in this manner eign intrigues. We know that Great Britain if Mr. Gerry had not refused to answer thereto. would soon have to put together, piece by piece, those scattered shreds, and we should have done nothing useful for ourselves, if so miserable a chance of it were not daily rendered more re When it became necessary to abandon the idea of treating with that Envoy, who thought it im portant only to know how a negotiation might thereafter be resumed, I gave him the most solemn assurances concerning the reception that a new Plenipotentiary would receive. It was far from my thoughts to insinuate that the President should send one from the United States, instead of |