= FEB. 3, 1831.] Claim of James Monroe. [H. OF R. of Mr. THOMPSON, of Georgia, rose to address the stand the subject; that the experience of five or six years House; but gave way to would convince me that our Eastern brethren were our Mr. TUCKER, who said that, when the bill should re- best friends. I am sure, sir, that no gentleman in this ceive its second reading, he should move an amendment House has ever resorted to this argument to blind me to provide for the repeal of the duties on salt in toto. He whilst he was robbing my pockets; but, sir, I do feel that felt sorry that the gentleman from North Carolina had I am insulted when an effort is made to take from my expressed himself as he had done. It was his [Mr. T's.] pocket my hard earnings, for no necessity of the Governwish to put down excitement. Every section of this ment, and for no public benefit. Again I beg gentlemen, country was oppressed by this odious tax, except the per- I appeal to them as individuals and as representatives sons engaged in the manufacture of the article. There the American people, to pause before they go further. I was an aristocracy in this House--they had power, and repeat, that in the South we have looked to a deliverance they exercised it to oppress. They were led into error from the oppression under which we labor, and we have themselves, and they deluded the people. The yeomanry considered the reduction of the duties on salt and some of the country never had been represented on this floor. other articles as pledges that we shall not be disappointed. The object of the tax on salt was to take from the pockets A confident belief that the duties would be repealed, has of the poor, and give to the rich; to make the poor poorer, induced the people of the South, a large majority of them, and the rich richer. He implored gentlemen, for the so far to submit to their oppressive operation. Pass this good of their constituents, for the good of the country, bill, and I apprehend they will no longer forbear resisting. to take such steps as would put an end to excitement, by Mr. T. concluded, by saying that, if the friends of this endeavoring to do justice to all. For himself, he cared bill persisted in bringing it before the House, he should no more for one section of the country than for another; move to amend it so as to propose a total repeal of the his object was to do justice to all. The people were op- duty on salt. pressed, and, in a measure, slaves; the Union was in danger of being rent asunder, and he feared the day was not far bill. distant. Heaven avert it! Should this be the result, Mr. CHILTON renewed it. He said that, believing, however, of the measures of the majority, they would with great deference to the committee, that this bill, if f not only have to answer before the people, but before passed, would further oppress the people, not only of the their God. He was determined that no act of his should South, but of every other portion of the country--and bring about such a state of things. Referring to the re-apprehensive that it would lead to an unnecessary and marks of Mr. MALLARY, he said it was to him matter of irritating debate, and, it might be, to a decision of the astonishment, how a high duty on any article could make question by wager of battle, (judging by the excitement the article cheaper; as well might it be said that a coal of debate yesterday,) to get rid of these discussions, he black piece of paper was as white as snow. It was a con- felt it to be his duty to move the previous question. tradiction in terms, &c. Mr. LAMAR then withdrew his motion to reject the A call of the House was then moved by Mr. WILDE, and ordered. One hundred and ninety-three members answered to their names. On motion of Mr. VANCE, further proceedings in the call were dispensed with. Mr. MCCREERY asked if a motion to lay the bill on the table would now be in order. The SPEAKER replied in the negative. The question was then put on the demand of Mr. CHILTON for the previous question; but the House refused to sustain it. [Here the hour allotted for morning business expired.] JAMES MONROE. Mr. THOMPSON, of Georgia, next rose, not, he said, for the purpose of discussing the merits of the proposition reported by the Committee on Manufactures, but to beg of gentlemen who are in favor of what is called a protecting tariff, to pause before they proceed too far with it. We of the South, said Mr. T., have been somewhat amused by the prospect of relief from the burdens heaped upon us by the majority in Congress by a repeal or reduction of the duties, and the excitement on that account has always been repressed by the hope of it. But when we get up and tell the House that we are Mr. McCREERY stated that he was one of those who oppressed, and that we must have relief from this oppres-had opposed the reduction of the duty on salt: but he saw sion, and see how our remonstrances are met by those no use in agitating the question of restoring the duty at who are trying to oppress us still further, do gentlemen this time. He would, therefore, move to lay the bill on - suppose that we can submit to this? What is the object the table. [The motion, however, was declared not to of gentlemen? Is it their intention to goad us on to be in order under the pending question.] extremities? Recurring to the history of the last session, Mr. T. said that it was then solemnly decided, after debate, that the duty on salt was oppressive to the great body of the people, and a law was therefore passed to The bill for the relief of James Monroe, as yesterday reduce it. And what, he asked, was now proposed amended, again coming up, and the question being on After this discussion, and the conclusive expression of the ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, opinion of the House that the duty was too high, and Mr. EVERETT, of Massachusetts, said that, however ought to be reduced, for what purpose could it now he important the passage of the bill might be, there was a proposed to reinstate that duty? The chairman of the vast mass of business on the table, of much more importCommittee on Manufactures (for whom Mr. T. said he ance, and which it was necessary should receive the early felt great respect) had said that he had no objection that consideration of the House. In order, therefore, if possithe bill should lie on the table, that members might have ble, to bring the discussion to a close, he demanded the time to reflect upcr the subject. In the best feelings of previous question. The demand was sustained by the his heart towards the House and towards that gentleman, House-83 to 40. Mr. T. begged of those who favored this project to pause. For, he repeated-and he hoped that he should not be considered as making a vain boast or threat when he said it-that the people could not submit to this manner of legislation. If it be persisted in, said he, we shall be driven to the necessity of resistance. In discussions on this subject, when I have stated the effect of the existing duties upon the people of the South, I have been told by YEAS.--Messrs. Arnold, Bailey, John S. Barbour, the friends of the protective system that I did not under-Bartley, Bates, Beekman, Bell, Brown, Buchanan, Bur Mr. ELLSWORTH inquired whether the preamble introduced by Mr. HEMPHILL constituted any part of the bill in its present shape. The SPEAKER replied in the negative. The question was finally put on ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, and decided in the affirmative, as follows: H. OF R.] Minister to Russia. [FEB. 3, 1831. ges, Cambreleng, Campbell, Carson, Childs, Coleman, to any man sent abroad under such credentials, with such Condict, Conner, Coulter, Crockett, Creighton, Croche- privileges reserved, and such powers granted to him, not ron, Crowninshield, Davenport, John Davis, Deberry, to the public, but to his own use. The objection to this Denny, De Witt, Dickinson, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, appropriation has, therefore, not been made because the Eager, Earll, G. Evans, Joshua Evans, Edward Everett, gentleman was, when sent abroad, and had long been, a Horace Everett, Finch, Forward, Gilmore, Gordon, Gur-valetudinarian; or because, if then in health, that health, ley, Hemphill, Hinds, Hodges, Holland, Howard, Hughes, exhausted by the toils of diplomacy, might require reIngersoll, Thomas Irwin, William W. Irvin, Jarvis, Johns, freshment by relaxation and relief from public service. Richard M. Johnson, Kendall, Kennon, Lent, Mallary, No, sir; nor because that refreshment might not be found Martindale, Martin, McCreery McDuffic, Mercer, Miller, unless under a milder sky, and by removing to a more Mitchell, Monell, Norton, Nuckolls, Overton, Patton, genial climate than that of Russia. Such things may exPearce, Pettis, Ramsey, Randolph, Reed, Rencher, Rich-cite, as they certainly have excited, the special wonder of ardson, Rose, Russel, Scott, William B. Shepard, Shields, the nation; and they are, and will be, very proper topics Ambrose Spencer, Richard Spencer, Sprigg, Sterigere, of debate, when considering the "State purposes" of this Stephens, H. R. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Taliaferro, mission; but they have not been, nor will they be, made Taylor, Test, Tracy, Varnum, Verplanck, Washington, the grounds of objection to the appropriation of this item Wayne, C. P. White, Edward D. White, Wilde, Wilson, in the bill. Wingate, Young.-105. We object to this salary on account of the illegality of NAYS.-Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Anderson, this mission, and because the Secretary of State, knowing Angel, Archer, Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Barnwell, the enfeebled health of Mr. Randolph--knowing his inBarringer, James Blair, John Blair, Bockee, Boon, Borst, ability to attend to the laborious details of that public serBouldin, Brodhead, Cahoon, Chandler, Chilton, Clai-vice-knowing that his constitution could not endure borne, Clay, Clark, Coke, Cooper, Cowles, Craig, Crane, either the winter or summer climate of Russia, did invent Crawford, Daniel, W. R. Ravis, Desha, Dorsey, Draper, this mission, and did advise the President to send out this Drayton, Ellsworth, Findlay, Ford, Foster, Fry, Gaither, gentleman with credentials as envoy extraordinary and Hall, Halsey, Hammons, Harvey, Haynes, Hoffman, Hub- minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the court bard, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Cave Johnson, Kincaid, of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia; and at P. King, Adam King, Lamar, Lea, Leavitt, Lecompte, the same time to give him a commission, no matter for what Letcher, Lewis, Loyall, Lumpkin, Lyon, Magee, Thomas cause, to reside, as such minister, in whatever country he Maxwell, Lewis Maxwell, McCoy, McIntire, Muhlenberg, might choose to reside. Such a mission cannot be formed Pierson, Polk, Potter, Roane, Sanford, A. H. Shepperd, such a minister cannot be sent abroad, either under our Speight, Stanbery, Standefer, Wm. L. Storrs, Swann, Swift, Wiley Thompson, J. Thomson, Trezvant, Tucker, Vance, Vinton, Weeks, Whittlesey, Williams, Yancey. -92. The bill was then ordered to be read a third time today. Mr. RAMSEY gave notice that he would, on Monday next, call up the bill regulating the compensation of clerks in the Post Office Department, together with the amendment proposed by him on the 31st ultimo. last of laws or our constitution, or under the usages and laws of nations. I ask the attention of the House, therefore, to the inquiry, whether this salary can be due for an illegal and void mission? whether it can be due as a quantum meruit, or as a pro rata compensation for the services which were rendered at the court of Russia? or, all, whether it can be due, because this mission may subserve certain purposes, highly useful to the Secretary of State? Before these inquiries can, to the best purpose, be made, it is proper to give some reply to what has been offered by several gentlemen against this motion. These gentlemen have said less to support this appropriation, The House then took up the bill making appropriations than to impugn the motives of those who oppose it. With for the support of Government for the year 1831-the my motives the gentlemen are welcome to amuse them question being on striking from the bill so much as re-selves. The storm of their abuse passed over me as the lates to an appropriation for the salary of the minister to Russia. MINISTER TO RUSSIA. Mr. CHILTON was entitled to the floor, but declined addressing the House. Mr. POLK demanded the previous question, but the demand was not sustained. winter storms of my native New England have often passed over the humble dwelling of my boyhood, without shaking a stone from the chimney, or starting a shingle the roof. I have too much respect for myself to believe that they have abused me from the wantonness of malice, but do believe it was done simply because they could find nothing to say more appropriate to the question. Those who Mr. BURGES then again rose. Permit me, Mr. Speaker, said he, to justify myself, under all which has This motion has been made to protect the rights of the been said, both against me, and against whatever has nation against the encroachments of power. been advanced by me in support of the motion made by resist such encroachments and assaults of power, must althe gentleman from Ohio. With the indulgence of the ways expect to encounter vociferous, if not infuriated, House, it may be well to look back to the question made adversaries. I have not entered this warfare without by this motion; for gentlemen, in their zeal to eulogize" counting the cost." A school of high authority taught me the minister, or to abuse those who doubt the correctness of his appointment, have departed almost entirely from the matter in issue before us. The objection to this appropriation, and the motion to strike it from this bill, have been made, because it is proposed for payment of a salary to a foreign minister, who, by his commission of legation, or by certain secret articles given to him, is authorized to leave the court to which he is sent, to go to any other country, whenever, in his own opinion, his health may require it; and not to return to that court so long as, according to the same opinion, it may be injurious to his health to do so. We deny such mission to be a legal one; we deny that the salary provided by law for foreign ministers, is, or ever can be, due that, in a war of aggression, "He who takes the sword shall perish by the sword"--but in a war of defence “let him who has no sword sell his coat and buy one.” He How, then, has our defence been met and answered? How by the gentleman from Virginia? [Mr. BARBOUR.] First of all, I am accused of objecting to this appropria tion, because it is for the use of a Virginian. In this the gentleman is utterly mistaken. I informed him of this error in a few moments after he had taken his seat. has, notwithstanding, chosen to put this error in print. Suffer me, sir, in my place, and before this House, to protest against this procedure. The gentlemen who heard me then, and who do me the honor to hear me now, I call to witness that I said no such thing; and I should have FEB. 3, 1831.] Minister to Russia. [H. or R. nothing to regret, could my protestation be made the present and heard it; or if not, as it was published, he printed companion of the gentleman's allegation against must have read it. It belonged to Virginia, and was a me, and travel side by side with it under the eye of the part of her great commonwealth concern: nor would I nation. This, I know, cannot be done; and I must suffer have brought this wholesome example of family discipline the imputation wherever his speech is read, without my before the nation, had not the eulogist of this froward son correction of its errors. Be it so: but I believe there is of Virginia told us that the monuments of his exploits too much good sense, and too much moral sentiment, in were in the hearts of his countrymen. Does this debate, Virginia, to set down one of their fellow-men as quite so or the result of it, confirm the gentleman's assertion? He stupid, or quite so malevolent. was weighed, and "mene mene tekel upharsin" was written on all his monuments. He was rejected, and a distinguished Virginian was chosen to represent that State in the Senate, and restore her ancient honor and diguity in the councils of the nation. The gentleman alleges that I considered this mission as a bribe offered to Virginia. This might have been said by me, because I believed it to be true. If said, was it said, or could it be intended, in derogation of Virginia? Is Virginia dishonored by this attempt of the wily Secre- I ask again, where are the monuments of this man's tary? I did not, and no man will intimate that Virginia glory? Has he improved his native State in the great arts had even looked with a favorable eye on this bribe, this of civil life? In agriculture, his own peculiar vocation? splendid bestowment. Not those who hear, but those It has never been said of him. Have manufactures been who listen to the song of the siren, and are allured by fostered by his encouragement? Sir, the very name is the enchantment, become debased by the temptation. odious to him. The sheep, the most innocent of all aniSir, temptations are spread over the whole path of our mals, and supplying by its wool the material for perhaps lives, from the cradle to the grave. The enticements of our most useful manufacture-- the sheep is so hateful to pleasure beset our youth; the toils of ambition are spread him, that, with all the poetry of the golden age in his for our vigorous manhood; and in old age, the honest blood, this gentleman has said, "I would go twenty rods amor habendi, when all other loves are frozen in the heart, out of my way to kick a sheep." Commerce has been as allures the dim eye to gaze at, and the surd ear to listen little encouraged by him as either of her sister arts in our to, the glittering beauties and golden melodies of avarice. family of national industry. He is one of a class of men, Are we dishonored, because, in the language of Sir Wm. now grown quite small in our country, who despise traffic Jones, "vice is permitted to spread her snares around us, and traders; and would have considered Cosmo de Medicis, that the triumph of virtue may be more conspicuous?" the princely merchant and founder of Florence, as no The ermine of the judge is not tarnished because some better than a tin pedlar. He is literary, moral, I trust unprincipled litigant has craftily proffered a bribe to the pious; but what has he done to advance learning, morality, court. The name of the insulted Lucretia has arrived to or religion? In this House, where he so long had a seat, us after a journey of more than two thousand years. Is it where are the fruits of his sage councils; the laws originsoiled by time, or by the breath of any one of the millions ated or sustained by his eloquence; and which will carry of millions who have pronounced it? That name, sir, like his name to posterity, as a patriot statesman? When the Alps of her own Italy, whose tops nearest to heaven the gentleman shall point to these monuments, and show are covered with eternal snow, is the monument of impe- them to belong to Mr. Randolph, he may realize a fame rishable purity--while the name of the treacherous and somewhat less fugitive and perishable than mere words. cowardly Tarquin, scarred with infamy, will be, as it has been throughout all time, the name of whatever is most vile and odious. Sir, Virginia is not dishonored; the tempter, and not the tempted, will suffer the infamy of the deed. a The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BARBOUR] would carry my opposition to this salary to mere political account; and says I am opposed to it because Mr. Randolph overthrew the fabric of federal power. Be it so; let the man enjoy the entire fame of all the benefit, and all the The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BARBOUR] would mischief he has done. I had no share in that power, overthrow our objections to this appropriation, by eulo- which every citizen did not equally enjoy. It gave me gizing the man sent on the mission. He alludes to the no honor, no emolument. I do not believe, and I think monuments of Mr. Randolph's fame; and, lest men might thousands who aided in its overthrow do not now becall on him to show where they are, he has placed them lieve, that any structure, since that time erected on its in the hearts of his countrymen, where no being but "the ruins, has given a holier sanctuary to the constitution, or searcher of hearts" could discover their existence. What a more secure shelter to the rights and liberties of the indications has Virginia given that those monuments are people. If this giant partisan did overthrow that fabric, where the gentleman has located them? He has long been he could not bury under its ruins the great principles of representative in Congress from that State. This is the revolution--"Union and independence," the song of something in his favor; but, from a State so long separated my cradle, the political creed of every hour of my life, into districts, it is not conclusive. It is confined to his and not sooner to be forgotten than the sainted bosom constituents, and only proves what the gentleman himself which nourished my infancy. What did this man build, has often asserted on this floor, "that never had man such what could he build, in its place? Sir, when daylight constituents." He represented the whole State in the first dawned on the world after this event, John Randolph Senate--true; but this was for the fragment only of a sat, in the glimpses of morning, like the genius of the term. Why was he not re-appointed? The interests, the earthquake amidst the ruins of some splendid city, withhonor, and high dignity of Virginia had been placed un-out the power or the will to move a single stone to rear der his guardianship. How did he perform the offices a new edifice. Nay, sir, when the statesmen of those created by these trusts? His conduct as a Senator from times, forgetting the storm of party, set themselves in Virginia was brought before the Legislature of that State, carnest to rebuilding, this man of monuments resisted their on a question concerning his re-appointment. In this labors. Little does the gentleman know me, if he begreat Areopagus, than which none is more dignified, each lieves I feel anger at the labors, or envy at the fame, of the judge, if he had a monument of this man in his heart or man whom he has eulogized. He will be remembered, his house, read the inscription upon it. On what was he when much better Virginians, and perhaps the gentleman tried? Not on his political creed--he did not suffer, as himself, may be forgotten; but he will be remembered as the best of men have, for heresy. His faith was, for every the years of mildew, and blight, and famine are remempurpose beneficial to himself, sound; his works alone bered, when those of plenty and prosperity are forgotten. were brought into question. On this question a deep and He may live in story, but not, like Washington, "in the interesting debate arose. The gentleman may have been hearts of his countrymen," VOL. VII--37 H. OF R.] Minister to Russia. [FEB. 3, 1831. I should have said no more of the secretary of lega- The gentleman from Georgia [Mr. WAYNE] has come, tion, had not the gentleman transmuted his confirmation forward to support this "State mission." To support, by the Senate, into the Roman ceremonial of bestowing do I say? His effort seems rather suited to rebuke me, the toga virilis. This toga, this gown, was, in the open and those engaged with me in support of this motion, forum, given annually by all the Romans to all their boys into utter silence. Nor would he silence us only, but who had, during the year, arrived at the age of seventeen stop the public press. Silence this House! silence the years. By this classical allusion, I presume the gentle-public press! what more can be required for the esta man intends to assure us that Mr. Randolph's secretary blishment of a despotism over national opinion! of legation has fully arrived at that interesting period of The gentleman has advanced an argument on the queshis life. I had asserted that he was twenty-one; but I wil-tion. It is drawn from analogy. He will permit me to lingly admit the gentleman's correction. say that such arguments are, of all others, the least con 66 The other gentleman from Virginia [Mr. COKE] has clusive. Founded on the resemblance of things, they reinforced his colleague. Will these gentlemen never have all the uncertainty of their foundation. He who have done with misstating me? Have I reproached Vir- should affirm that all human forms are alike, would af ginia? Never, sir, never. When speaking of any one of firm the truth; but what conclusion could be drawn from her citizens bere, I have spoken of him as an American it? For he who should affirm that all human forms are citizen. When speaking of that State, I have, on this different, would equally affirm the truth. The gentleman floor, and elsewhere, spoken of her as one which poured affirms that we ought to make this appropriation to pay her whole Spartan soul into the revolution, which sent to this salary, notwithstanding Mr. Randolph, by permission the field of conflict a band of patriot warriors, who have of the Executive, left the court of Russia a few days after filled the world with their and our glory;" and which, to his arrival there, and has not returned, or may not return, secure the benefits, in addition to the triumphs of victory, to that court again. He alleges this, because the memrelinquished her territorial claims to an empire, prefer-bers of Congress are paid, notwithstanding they may be ring, to State sectional interest, the more glorious objects taken sick, either on their journey hither, or while here, of union and independence. I reproach Virginia! Is it or on their return home.. It is true; but the analogy benot the birthplace, is it not the burial place, of Washing-tween the cases extends no further. Suppose a case just ton? Sir, who can reproach that most fortunate, most like Mr. Randolph's; suppose a member of this House arconsecrated region; or even suppose the enormity possi-rive here, is here taken sick, and, on leave of absence, ble, "and hope to be forgiven!" departs from this city for Charleston, Savannah, or New I have, as the gentleman says, abused the President, Orleans, to regain his health, and does not return during and his Machiavelian policy. I have spoken of the Presi-the session; would he receive his pay? Could he receive dent as of the first dignitary of the nation, and in no terms it? I regret the gentleman thought it proper to say that of disrespect. I have alleged that, like monarchs in the we, in support of the motion, had used falsehood; "s old world, he has been advised by ministers; and, under thing equally dishonorable in argument, with the use of that advisement, has permitted those ministers to furnish, empoisoned weapons in war." I regret this, because I in his name, his annual message to Congress. Will the had expected from him nothing but what was fair in degentleman pledge his literary reputation upon a denial bate; and pure, classical, and urbane in language. This of this allegation? I have said the President has been mis-expectation had been sustained by my own attention to counselled; has suffered his confidence to be abused by the gentleman's demeanor in this House; but it had been an artful minister; and that, too, in this very appointment. I put it to the gentleman, upon his conscience, to say whether he believes this question could have come up, in this House, if Mr. Tazewell had been Secretary of State. raised by the report of him, made to me by one in the relations of friendship to him, and than whom no man on earth is dearer to me. Will the gentleman do himself the justice to mark and point out the items of falsehood set down and used by us in our account of objections to this appropriation? Of the Secretary of State I have spoken, and will speak, as I believe he merits. He is a power constitutionally All these gentlemen agree in the argument against this connected with the Executive; but now, like the parasite motion, drawn from the incompetency of this House to plant under shelter of the oak, it has crept, and clasped, question this appropriation. The President and Senate, and wound itself around the trunk, spire above spire, to whom the constitution has confided our foreign relauntil it overtops the loftiest branch of the magnificent tions, have, they tell us, established this legation; and this tree. The leaves of the ivy will soon conceal those of House cannot, as they affirm, refuse this appropriation in the oak; and, unless the insidious plant be removed, ren-support of it. Are we placed by the people as the conder it a sapless trunk. stitutional keepers of the public treasure, and yet bound The gentleman recommends to us charity, christian to fellow every Executive call for their money? Is it charity. Where does he learn that the delinquencies of our whole fiscal duty to obey orders, and grant subsidies? rulers are to be visited only in charity? While the mes- Does not deliberation, and debate, and discretion, belong senger of divine charity wept over the coming ruin of to this House? We can grant, and every power which his nation, did he not severely rebuke those rulers, that can grant is, by its very nature, endowed with the power generation of vipers, stinging and poisoning that nation, of refusal. Sir, our power to refuse appropriations is and hastening on that destruction? the constitutional check placed in our hands not to Sir, we are charitable. The people have looked on in stop, but to regulate, the movements of the Executive. charity. Charity has done her utmost, Her mantle Without this power, and its discreet and diligent use, the has covered a multitude of sins;" but the brood has mul-nation would be at the disposal of the President and cabitplied, and increased in size, and outgrown the covering.net council. This gentleman unites with his colleague in eulogizing Sir, this mission may be regarded as the commencement Virginia. It is all supererogation. History has done it of a system of sinecure appointments, of salaries without justice. The lofty-minded matron, we knew, thought services, Sent to one court, where he did nothing, and, well of herself; but no one deemed her quite so proud as in the exercise of his powers, gone to another, where he the gentleman has announced her to us. In wielding the can do nothing, what service is required, or was, or could broom, or scolding her household, she may well scorn be, expected from him? When he shall return next June, Neptune's trident, and Jove's power to thunder, as the what will he have done? His most zealous friends must gentleman says she does; and some of her children have say, nothing. If, then, he receive this salary, he will given us fair samples of the family lectures. receive it without service of any kind rendered to the FEB. 3, 1831.] nation for it. The Secretary docs avow, in the message, these important matters; and to these constitutional attri- that the "power to leave the Russian court for the ad- "It was, on motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, 86 Resolved, That the committee consider the communication." |
