also a land-tax, called the twentieth penny, to the height fometimes of three, fometimes of four fhillings in the pound; both of them direct impofitions of no light nature, and no trivial produce. The clergy of the provinces annexed by conqueft to France (which in extent make about an eighth part of the whole, but in wealth a much larger proportion) paid likewife to the capitation and the twentieth penny, at the rate paid by the nobility. The clergy in the old provinces did not pay the capitation; but they had redeemed themselves at the expence of about 24 millions, or a little more than a million fterling. They were exempted from the twentieths; but then they made free gifts; they contracted debts for the ftate; and they were fubject to fome other charges, the whole computed at about a thirteenth part of their clear income. They ought to have paid annually about forty thousand pounds more, to put them on a par with the contribution of the nobility.

pro

When the terrors of this tremendous profcription hung over the clergy, they made an offer of a contribution, through the archbishop of Aix, which, for its extravagance, ought not to have been accepted. But it was evidently and obviously more advantageous to the public creditor, than any thing which could rationally be mifed by the confifcation. Why was it not accepted? The reafon is plain-There was no defire that the church fhould be brought to ferve the state. The fervice of the ftate was made pretext to destroy the church. In their way to the destruction of the church they would not fcruple to destroy their country; and they have deftroyed it. One great end in the project would have been defeated, if the plan of extortion had been adopted in lieu of the scheme of confifcation. The new landed intereft connected with the new republic, and connected with it for its very being, could not have been created. This was among the reasons why that extravagant ransom was not accepted..

The madness of the project of confiscation, on the plan that was first pretended, foon became apparent. To bring this unwieldy mass of landed property, enlarged by the confifcation of all the vast landed domain of the

crown,

crown, at once into market, was obviously to defeat the profits propofed by the confifcation, by depreciating the value of thofe lands, and indeed of all the landed estates throughout France. Such a fudden diverfion of all its circulating money from trade to land, must be an additional mifchief. What ftep was taken? Did the affembly, on becoming fenfible of the inevitable ill effects of their projected fale, revert to the offers of the clergy? No diftrefs could oblige them to travel in a course which was difgraced by any appearance of justice. Giving over all hopes from a general immediate fale, another project feems to have fucceeded. They proposed to take flock in exchange for the church lands. In that project great diffi culties arofe in equalizing the objects to be exchanged. Other obftacles alfo prefented themfelves, which threw them back again upon fome project of fale. The municipalities had taken an alarm. They would not hear of transferring the whole plunder of the kingdom to the flock-holders in Paris. Many of thofe municipalities had been (upon fyftem) reduced to the moft deplorable indigence. Money was no where to be feen. They were therefore led to the point that was fo ardently defired. They panted for a currency of any kind which might revive their perishing industry. The municipalities were then to be admitted to a share in the fpoil, which evidently rendered the first scheme (if ever it had been seriously entertained) altogether impracticable. Public exigencies preffed upon all fides. The minifter of finance reiterated his call for fupply with a molt urgent, anxious, and boding voice. Thus preffed on all fides, instead of the first plan of converting their bankers into bishops and abbots, instead of paying the old debt, they contracted new debt, at 3 per cent. creating a new paper currency, founded on an eventual fale of the church lands. They iffued this paper currency to fatisfy in the first inftance chiefly the demands made upon them by the Bank of discount, the great machine, or paper-mill, of their fictitious wealth.

10

The fpoil of the church was now become the only refource of all their operations in finance; the vital principle of all their politics; the fole fecurity for the exift

ence

ence of their power. It was neceffary by all, even the most violent means, to put every individual on the fame bottom, and to bind the nation in one guilty interest to uphold this act, and the authority of thofe by whom it was done. In order to force the most reluctant into a

participation of their pillage, they rendered their paper circulation compulfory in all payments. Those who confider the general tendency of their schemes to this one object as a centre; and a centre from which afterwards all their measures radiate, will not think that I.dwell too long upon this part of the proceedings of the national affembly.

To cut off all appearance of connection between the crown and public juftice, and to bring the whole under implicit obedience to the dictators in Paris, the old independent judicature of the parliaments, with all its merits, and all its faults, was wholly abolished. Whilft the parliaments exifted, it was evident that the people might fome time or other come to refort to them, and rally under the standard of their ancient laws. It beca:ne however a matter of confideration that the magistrates and officers, in the courts now abolished, bad purchased their places at a very high rate, for which, as well as for the duty they performed, they received but a very low return of intereft. Simple confifcation is a boon only for the clergy;to the lawyers fome appearances of equity are to be observed; and they are to receive compenfation to an immenfe amount. Their compenfation becomes part of the national debt, for the liquidation of which there is the one exhaustlefs fund. The lawyers are to obtain their compenfation in the new church paper, which is to march with the new principles of judicature and legislature. The difmiffed magistrates are to take their share of martyrdom with the ecclefiaftics, or to receive their own property from fuch a fund and in fuch a manner, as all thofe, who have been feasoned with the ancient principles of jurifprudence, and had been the fworn guardians of property, muft look upon with horror. Even the clergy are to receive their miferable allowance out of the depreciated paper which is ftamped with the indelible character of facrilege, and with the fymbols of

So violent an out

their own ruin, or they must starve. rage upon credit, property, and liberty, as this compulfory paper currency, has feldom been exhibited by the alliance of bankruptcy and tyranny, at any time or in any nation.

In the courfe of all thefe operations, at length comes out the grand arcanum; that in reality, and in a fair fenfe, the lands of the church (fo far as any thing certain can be gathered from their proceedings) are not to be fold at all. By the late resolutions of the national affembly, they are indeed to be delivered to the highest bidder. But it is to be obferved, that a certain portion only of the purchafe money is to be laid down. A period of twelve years is to be given for the payment of the reft. The philofophic purchasers are therefore, on payment of a sort of fine, to be put inftantly into poffeffion of the estate. It becomes in fome refpects a fort of gift to them; to be held on the feudal tenure of zeal to the new establishment. This project is evidently to let in a body of purchasers without money. The confequence will be, that these purchasers, or other grantees, will pay, not only from the rents as they accrue, which might as well be received by the state, but from the fpoil of the materials of buildings, from wafte in woods, and from whatever money, by hands habituated to the gripings of ufury, they can wring from the miserable peafant. He is to be delivered over to the mercenary and arbitrary difcretion of men, who will be stimulated to every fpecies of extortion by the growing demands on the growing profits of an eftate held under the precarious fettlement of a new political fyftem.

When all the frauds, impostures, violences, rapines, burnings, murders, confifcations, compulsory paper currencies, and every defcription of tyranny and cruelty employed to bring about and to uphold this revolution, have their natural effect, that is, to fhock the moral fentiments of all virtuous and fober minds, the abettors of this philofophic fyftem immediately strain their throats in a declamation against the old monarchical government of France. When they have rendered that depofed power fufficiently black, they then proceed in argument, as if all those who disapprove of their new abuses, must of courfe

courfe be partizans of the old; that those who reprobate their crude and violent fchemes of liberty ought to be treated as advocates for fervitude. I admit that their neceffities do compel them to this bafe and contemptible fraud. Nothing can reconcile men to their proceedings and projects but the fuppofition that there is no third option between them, and fome tyranny as odious as can be furnished by the records of hiftory, or by the invention of poets. This prattling of theirs hardly deferves the name of fophiftry. It is nothing but plain impudence. Have thefe gentlemen never heard, in the whole circle of the worlds of theory and practice, of any thing between the defpotifm of the monarch and the defpotifm of the multitude? Have they never heard of a monarchy directed by laws, controlled and balanced by the great hereditary wealth and hereditary dignity of a nation; and both again controlled by a judicious check from the reafon and feeling of the people at large acting by a fuitable and permanent organ? Is it then impoffible that a man may be found who, without criminal ill intention, or pitiable abfurdity, fhall prefer fuch a mixed and tempered government to either of the extremes; and who may repute that nation to be deftitute of all wisdom and of all virtue, which, having in its choice to obtain fuch a government with cafe, or rather to confirm it when actually poffeffed, thought proper to commit a thousand crimes, and to fubject their country to a thousand evils, in order to avoid it? Is it then a truth fo univerfally acknowledged, that a pure democracy is the only tolerable form into which human fociety can be thrown, that a man is not permitted to hefitate about its merits, without the fufpicion of being a friend to tyranny, that is, of being a foe to mankind?

I do not know under what defcription to clafs the prefent ruling authority in France. It affects to be a pure democracy, though I think it in a direct train of becoming fhortly a mischievous and ignoble oligarchy. But for the prefent I admit it to be a contrivance of the nature and effect of what it pretends to. I reprobate no form of government merely upon abstract principles. There may be fituations in which the purely democratic form will be

come