MARCH, 1816. Compensation of Members. H. OF R. ernment on the earth. Other nations are groan-country more than by advocating the measure ing under the yoke of despotism. Privileged how under debate. orders are established-a nobility to riot upon Mr. CLAY took the opportunity afforded him the spoils of the people. Here all are on an equal- by the Committee of the Whole, to yield his supity, and eligible to office. The people, on the port to the bill, and at once to commit himself in day of election, look to merit, not to riches. They its favor. As to the amendment to defer the ask for the qualities of the candidates. They in- commencement of its operation until the next quire into their political sentiments, their per- Congress, he would remark, that, in his judgsonal integrity and talents, and they decide ac- ment, there was more propriety in the law endcordingly. These persons may have families to ing than in beginning there. It was more resupport, dependent upon their business or profes-spectful to our successors to leave them free to sion, which, if neglected, will subject them to determine what was the just measure of indemsuffering. It is then the duty of the people to nity for their expenses than for us to prescribe afford them such compensation as will justify the rule for them. We can best judge for ourtheir engagement to serve them, that the country selves. With regard to the supposed indelicacy may not be subject to the dominion of the idle of our fixing upon our own compensations, let and profligate, or of such as are born to princely the Constitution, let the necessity of the case, be fortunes, while the most meritorious are driven, reproached for that, not us. Mr. C. said his own by a sense of that duty which they owe to their personal experience determined him in voting for families, from public employment. Mr. J. said, the bill. He had attended Congress, sometimes he advocated the amount, not on his own indivi- without his family, and at others with a part of dual account. In his present situation, he felt it; and although his compensation, while he had little interest as to the amount. He was, never- enjoyed the honor of presiding in this House, theless, willing to receive it, because he did not was double that of other members, he declared, think it too great. It was after all a poor com- with the utmost sincerity, that he had never been pensation. His main object was, to shorten ses- able to make both ends meet at the termination sions, and despatch business, for he would rather of Congress. serve three months for nothing, than six months The honorable gentleman from South Caroin each year for six dollars per day. The sacri- lina (Mr. HUGER) tells us he was born to opufice was, in breaking in upon all the avocations lence. He ought to recollect that few in this of the farmer, the mechanic, the lawyer, the mer-House have had the same good fortune. Would chant, &c., which began generally, and always demanded special attention, in the Spring. 3d. The rights and honor of the nation will be preserved by a despatch of public business, and by acting with more promptness upon petitions and other claims during the session in which they are presented, and not continue them from session to session for ten years, as has been done in many cases of just claims, when the amount has been exhausted by the expenses of attendance. Such a course is incompatible with the dignity of a magnanimous nation-there must be a reform. he reserve the seats here for the well born and the rich alone? And yet they must be confined to them, unless such an allowance is made as will enable the poor and the middling classes to come here. Mr. C. thought the rate of compensation ought to be such at least as that ruin should not attend a long service in this House. And yet how many are driven out of it by their inability to sustain the expenses and losses incident to the situation! This had been particularly the case from the State to which he had the honor of belonging. And he regretted to find that this cause But admit for a moment, that the United States was still operating, and was about to deprive the would be charged with a few thousand dollars House and the country of the valuable services more, what is that compared with the effects of of several of his colleagues. Mr. C. thought the such a measure? No more than a grain of sand compensation ought to effect more; it ought to upon the seashore to a mountain. It is well guaranty the independence of the members of known that six dollars a day was given twenty-this House against the influence of the Executive five years ago, which was more, compared with expenses now, than three times the amount would be at present. This compensation may so remain for twenty years to come, because many are afraid to do right upon a subject of so much delicacy, for fear the wicked may misrepresent, and the motives of members may be misunderstood. But, delicate as this subject is, it ought to be borne in mind, that no other branch of the Government has power to touch it. Members may be accused of sordid views and selfish mo- Mr. JOHNSON, of Virginia, said, he should vote tives-but, Mr. J. said, he was willing to be judged for the amendment-not from any motive of by his constituents as to motives and views. popularity-he disclaimed so unworthy an influHe was not afraid on this point-they would not ence. Adverting to the reason advanced by the judge him harshly. They were a different people, mover of the amendment, Mr. J. said he generthey would take the whole of his conduct toge-ally found, that those who attributed improper ther, and he considered he had never served his I motives to others, would, if they took a glance at branch. How was the fact in another country? There the members of the Legislature received no stipend; and the consequence was, that it was filled with pensioners, placemen, and the creatures of the Ministry. The laborer is worthy of his hire; and if you do not give him the wages of honesty, it is to be apprehended the wages of corruption may, in process of time, come to be sought. He should give his most decided vote for the bill. the mirror, find those motives reflected from their own bosoms. He admitted the pay was too low, and ought to be augmented; the pitiful sum of six dollars might induce a lounging lout to come here, but he was convinced it would be inadequate of itself to bring any gentleman here. Although this was his opinion, he thought the amendment proper, and should vote for it. Mr. ROBERTSON said a few words in support of the bill, which he thought was proper, simply because the present pay was not enough; and as to popularity, he knew his vote would arrive at home about the time of his election, and he wished to give his constituents the opportunity of deciding on his conduct. MARCH, 1816. gislature of Virginia, and he was not afraid to encounter the same responsibility now. Mr. HUGER entered into some explanations in reply to Mr. RANDOLPH, and added a few more remarks in opposition to the bill. Mr. PICKERING said, if the present compensation was inadequate, let it be augmented. He was in favor of the bill for many reasons. It would certainly despatch the public business and save the public money. The depreciation of money had been more than fifty, some thought seventy-five per cent.; and if, as had been said, the compensation was originally fixed on democratic principles, it ought now to be increased to what would equal the value of what six dollars were when that sum was fixed. If the change is proper, said Mr. P., shall we adopt a self-denying ordinance, and say we will not give to ourselves what we are willing to give to our successors? After some remarks on an alteration in the mode of doing business which Mr. P. thought would be useful, if the bill passed, he concluded by saying that, as to that rascally prudence which had been mentioned on a former day by Mr. RANDOLPH, he was as destitute of it as anybody. He had never in his life taken time to think whether an act would make him popular or otherwise, and he should disregard such a consideration on this occasion. Mr. RANDOLPH declared that he had such an aversion to the bare name of self-denying ordinances, that since his motion had been so denominated, he was induced to withdraw it; which he did accordingly. Mr. STANFORD then said that there were some in this House who had believed that the Constitution prohibited Congress from increasing its own pay; and, as he was averse to augmenting it, he renewed the motion just withdrawn by Mr. RANDOLPH, to refer the operation of the act to the next session of Congress. Mr. BARBOUR said that he should vote for the amendment, and disclaimed any influence but that which was correct and proper. The six dollars now allowed, if taken as a salary, he said, was not enough; but, if as an allowance to support members of Congress while here on the public business, was insufficient for many, though he himself could live comfortably on that sum. He disclaimed any concealments, and was the last to impute an impure motive to others. He supposed, therefore, gentlemen were governed by correct motives in supporting this bill, and claimed for himself the same allowance. He knew it was a delicate matter to act for self; there was an inextinguishable feeling in such a case, which nature had implanted in us, and he was aware that in acting on it, the greastest purity could not escape suspicion. Like Cæsar's wife, not wishing even to be suspected of improper views in this case, he should vote for the amendment. He avowed his desire of that popularity which attended good actions-not that which was got without merit, and lost without a fault. He should, therefore, vote for the motion. Mr. JACKSON said, it was unnecessary to say anything with regard to the real object of the bill; that was unquestionable; and he was extremely pleased that there was no diversity on the subject, because he did not wish to see the time when the places here should be filled solely by men of fortune; neither did he desire to witness the reverse, when members of this House should be liable to Executive influence on account of their needy circumstances. With regard to discrimination, Congress had heretofore passed laws giving themselves compensation, as well while here as for mileage, travelling expenses; to prove which, he quoted the acts of Congress of 1795. The amendment, Mr. J. said, was useless, because one branch of the Legislature was indissoluble, and to postpone the act Mr. RooT rose to express his opinion of the until it would cease to affect any of the present scheme, as it might be called, proposed by the members. might be to put it off for fifty years. bill. It was intended, he was informed, to cure If it be right in relation to ourselves, said Mr. J., a great evil, and that evil was the length of the it must be right in relation to the Senate also; sessions; and as it was wrong to apply the preand if not so to them, cannot be to us. Mr. J. vious question, the evil must be cured by an ansaid, he was not deterred from supporting this nual salary. This object, he said, bore no relameasure by any fear of the effect it would pro- tion to the present compensation; and, therefore, duce at home. The people had once before it was to advance the pay in disguise. It was borne him out in a similar course, when he had argued that the pay was inadequate, and that the voted for an increase of compensation in the Le-members staid here to increase it, thereby pro The question was then taken on the motion, and negatived by a large majority. The Committee of the Whole having risen and reported the bill to the House Mr. STANFORD renewed the motion just rejected, and made a subsequent motion to leave the sum in the bill blank; both of which were successively negatived. Mr. BURNSIDE moved to reduce the proposed salary to one thousand one hundred dollars; which was also lost. Mr. TAYLOR, of New York, then moved to strike out "one thousand five hunded," and insert one thousand dollars," as the salary. MARCH, 1816. Increase of the Rates of Pension. H. of R. twice, and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands. INCREASE OF THE RATES OF PENSION. tracting the sessions; and that an annual salary must be allowed to remedy this evil. These reasons were inexplicable to him. He had no objection that members of Congress should receive an adequate compensation for their services; but Mr. CHAPPELL, from the Committee on Penthat would depend on their mode of living. If sions and Revolutionary Claims, who were insix dollars were not enough, meet the question structed by a resolution of the 28th of December fairly, and not in this disguised manner. He be- last to inquire into the expediency of increasing lieved the increased privilege of franking and certain pensions, made a report thereon, which continuing the mileage allowance, would virtu- was read; when Mr. C. reported a bill to increase ally make the proposed compensation twelve dol- the pensions of invalids in certain cases, for the lars per day. Mr. R. said he was bred a demo- relief of invalids of the militia, and for the apcrat, and never could tolerate anything like aris-pointment of pension agents in those States and tocracy. He, therefore, rejected the distinctions Territories in which there is no commissioner of which had been claimed for members of Con- loans; which was read twice, and committed to gress on account of the dignity of their stations, a Committee of the Whole. The report is as and their not being day-laborers, &c. Some of them, he said, might be more honest than daylaborers, but take mankind in the gross, and you will find honesty and intrinsic merit pretty generally distributed through the different classes of society. The bill was then ordered to a third reading by a large majority. FRIDAY, March 8. follows: Claims, to whom was referred the resolution of the The Committee on Pensions and Revolutionary House of Representatives of the 28th of December last, directing an inquiry into the expediency of increasing the rate of pensions to officers and soldiers disabled in the service of the United States during the late war with Great Britain; and also into the expediency of amending the law relative to the proof required from officers and privates in the militia to establish their claim to a pension, report: That the pension now allowed to a non-commissioned officer or soldier for the greatest disability is five dollars per month, and to the commissioned officers the half of their monthly pay; making the highest Mr. CREIGHTON presented a resolution of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, requesting that power may be vested in that State to sell as much of reserved land in the county of Jack-pension, per month, son, in said State, as may be necessary for laying out a town thereon.-Referred to the Committee on Public Lands. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed a bill, "relative to settlers on the lands of the United States;" also, a bill in" addition to an act, entitled 'An act in relation to the Navy Pension Fund;" in which mittee of the Whole. Mr. YANCEY also made a report on the petition of Gustavus Loomis, which was read; when Mr. Y. reported a bill for the relief of Gustavus Loomis, which was read twice, and ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow. is Of an ensign amount to Of a major Of a lieutenant colonel proportionably less; and that the half-pay of a lieutenant colonel is the highest pension which any officer That for all disabilities less than total, the pension can receive. In the investigation of this subject the committee have been necessarily led to consider the time when the present rates of pensions were established, and to contrast the then prices of the articles which constitute the necessaries of life with the present. The difference is manifest; and the result is, that what was then considered a competent provision now falls far short of the object. Sixty dollars per annum is the pension allowed a soldier for the greatest disability. This, under the change which has taken place in the prices of articles, the committee deem insufficient to enable him to Mr. YANCEY also made a report on the petition of Paul D. Butler, which was read; when Mr. Y. reported a bill for the relief of Paul D. But-support himself plentifully and comfortably. They ler, which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole. Mr. ROBERTSON, from the Committee on the Public Lands, made a report on the petition of Gabriel Winter, which was read; when Mr. R. reported a bill confirming certain lands in the county of Arkansas, in the Missouri Territory: to the heirs of Elisha Winter, deceased, to the heirs of William Winter, deceased, and to Gabriel Winter, which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole. The bill from the Senate "relating to settlers on the lands of the United States," was read think that whatever sum the Government may allow, should have, at least, this end in view. It seems to be the object of all Governments-it is certainly the peculiar duty of this, dictated alike by a just regard to sound policy and the injunctions of humanity. The same absolute necessity may not exist to increase the pensions of the officers, because it is possible they may, with the present rates, live free from actual want; but as there is a difference in their grade and responsibility, in their pay whilst in service, and the pensions which have been allowed, not only in this, but in other Governments, the committee deem it improper to depart from these rules; they think some regard should be paid to the conditions of men, and that, as far as can, consistently with policy, they should be placed in circumstances of relative ease and comfort. The resolution instructs them to inquire into the expediency of increasing the pensions of the officers and soldiers disabled in the late war with Great Britain only. In doing this, they have unavoidably been obliged to consider the cases of all persons who have been disabled whilst in the military service of this Government, and they have not been able to discover any difference in their claims, They think no distinction should be allowed to exist, but that whatever provisions are made should relate equally to all invalids. The committee are in favor of a partial increase of pensions; but as it may be satisfactory to the House to see the effect of this increase on the Treasury, they have ascertained the number of pensioners now on the list, what number are officers, and what privates, distinguishing those of both denominations who were of the Revolutionary army, and the amount of pensions at present paid, and find there is paid annually the sum of $119,624 05 for that object; that there are 185 officers, and 1,572 non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary army, and 52 officers, and 391 non-commissioned officers and soldiers who have become disabled since the Revolution, making an aggregate of 237 officers and 1,963 non-commissioned officers and privates, and a total of 2,200 pensioners. The above statement extends to as late a date as the 4th of January last. Since that time it is probable many applications have been made to the War Department for pensions; and there are, also, from the best judgment the committee can form from the papers now before them, from 80 to 100 cases which will be added to the number during the present session. What number springing out of the late war remains to be presented cannot be stated. The committee, however, deem it proper to observe that the Revolutionary cases, compose the great mass of those already on the list which, from the course of nature, cannot very long remain a charge on the Government. The very circumstance of the advanced age of most of the pensioners, and the consequent diminution of their ability to add much by their personal exertions to their own support, seems to strengthen their claim to an increase of pen sions. The pensions now allowed to captains, and those above that rank, the committee think are sufficient to discharge the obligations of gratitude and duty which the Government owe them, and to place them not only above actual want, but in tolerable comfort. They, therefore, do not deem it necessary to increase their pensions; but as this is not the case with the other officers and soldiers, they deem it proper to recommend to the House to increase their pensions so as to allow to them the following sums, per month, in lieu of those to which they are now entitled, viz: To a first lieutenant $17 00 15.00 14.00 13 00 For the highest degree of disability, and for all less degrees, a sum proportionably less. The effect of this would be an increase of sixty per cent. on the pensions of the soldiers, and about an average increase of twenty-one per cent. on the pensions of the officers, and would require about the sum of $200,000 per annum. MARCH, 1816. mend any alterations in the laws relating to the proof necessary to place the officers and soldiers of the militia on the pension list, other than to put them on the same footing in that regard with the officers and soldiers of the regular army. The rules at present prescribed for that purpose are not more rigid than is necessary to guard with sufficient care against frauds on the Government, and, as these rules have been long established, they are known to the public in some degree, and will be acted on; whereas, if new ones were established, they would, perhaps, only tend to confuse without benefitting the applicant. To effect the above object, they report a bill. COMPENSATION OF MEMBERS. The engrossed bill to change the mode of compensation to the members of Congress, was read the third time, and the question stated, "Shall the bill pass?" Mr. WRIGHT said, intending to vote for the increase of the compensation to members, I shall vote for this bill to effect that object, so necessary to preserve a republican representation in Congress of honest, independent, and honorable men; and, although I might prefer the mere increase of the daily wages, without converting it into an annual compensation, yet, sir, I am satisfied with the act of a majority in the change, and bound to admit that the strong reasons afsigned by the friends of that measure are enti tled to great weight, and satisfactorily justified by the provision of the bill to deduct a rateaable proportion of the salary for every day's ab sence from Congress, during its sessions. Sir, the denunciation in the public prints of the dilatory proceedings of Congress, and the long speeches of its members, for the purpose of prolonging the sessions, and increasing the compensation of its members, was as devoid of truth, as it was offensive to the honorable feelings of the Representatives of the people. And it is a well-known fact, that many of the most valuable members of Congress, balancing between the painful separation from their families and the great expense beyond the means of men of moderate fortunes to sustain, had retired, and many more had contemplated it. It may not be extraordinary to find men of wealth, such as the honorable gentleman, (Mr. HUGER,) opposed to the increase of the compensation. It is by such means, Mr. Speaker, that the men of wealth, who alone possess the funds to support them here, will by this indirectly work out men of moderate fortunes, and thereby lead to the most dangerous consequences; as the Government, once in the hands exclusively of the wealthy, would render insecure the rights of the common people, and endanger the happiness of the Republic. Sir, the devotion of Congress to their duty at the last session-having omitted to sit but one Saturday during the session, and having sat every day till near night; and, sir, the like conduct during this session, having practised the same assiduity when sitting on the six-dollar compensation-must satisfy every one of the wickedness and that, when our time is our own, and the of the said denunciation, so offensive to us all; The committee do not deem it necessary to recom-compensation graduated by our diligence, that it MARCH, 1816. Compensation of Members. H. OF R. Sir, if we go back to those times when the Legislature of Maryland fixed the compensation of eight dollars to members of Congress, and two dollars to the State Legislature, you will find them halcyon days, when for that compensation_they lived like gentlemen, and enjoyed a glass of generous wine, which cannot be afforded at this time for the present compensation. Mr. Speaker, I hope this bill will pass, and that honorable gentlemen who consider it unjust to put their hands into the public Treasury for themselves will be excused from taking this increased compensation, particularly when it might subject them to the unkind remark that the receiver was as bad as the thief. will insure it by the strongest ties-the interest covered with wounds and glory, with his favorof the individuals-and that the public business ite war-horse, and his more favorite servant-his will more expeditiously be performed, and the attendant in the army, his nurse and necessary other expenses of the session decreased equal to assistant;-being unable to do anything for himthe augmentation of the compensation to the mem-self at the close of the session; being obliged to bers; so that the public will profit by the change. sell his war-horse or his servant to close his acSir, I, as a Representative of Maryland, feel no counts, or to have recourse to his private funds to difficulty as to my vote on this subject. Indeed, clear him out? That this may not be considered sir, I feel in a certain degree instructed on the an exaggerated account, let any gentleman with subject. Sir, prior to the adoption of the present two horses and a servant try the case by one Constitution, under the Confederation, the States week's residence at Crawford's at Georgetown, fixed the compensation of their respective mem- where many members reside, or Mr. Gadsby's in bers of Congress, and paid their own members. Baltimore, and live in the style of a gentleman, Then, sir, the State of Maryland, gave her mem-and he will give unequivocal proof of the reality bers of Congress eight dollars per day for their of such an alternative. services, and paid the same in gold or silver. So that Congress, from the establishment of the present compensation, were in the receipt of two dollars per day less than the State of Maryland by her law gave her members for the same services upwards of thirty years ago, and when that compensation would purchase double what it would at this time of any of the articles necessary for the comfort or accommodation of the members. Again, sir, the compensation of a member of the Legislature of Maryland, at the time eight dollars was allowed to a member of Congress, was not more than two dollars; but now, sir, the sum of four dollars is the compensation | allowed by the State of Maryland to the members of the State Legislature, as I understand. Thus Mr. HUGER again rose in opposition to the bill, sir, I show what was the former compensation to and argued to prove that the proposed change the members of Congress, and to the members of was in effect an increase of compensation of one the State Legislature; and I show that that Le-hundred and fifty per cent., which, under the gislature has doubled the compensation to its members, which I might surely consider as instruction to increase the compensation of members of Congress in the same ratio, which would greatly exceed the compensation proposed by the bill now under consideration to be given to the members, and I have no doubt would justify me with my constituents, who know the sacrifices I have made on the altar of the Republic; many of whom, I am sure, would be glad to see me in official receipt of twenty-five thousand dollars, and can never be induced to find fault with my vote. I, sir, shall not be governed by popular motives in opposing this measure, as the purest principles of distributive justice command it; nor shall I suffer the affectation of delicacy to overrule my judgment, in this case, because I am interested. If it is right, it ought to be done; if it ought to be done, it must be done by Congress, who alone can do it. Nor, sir, can I feel a propriety in giving it a prospective operation, in exclusion of the present Congress. If it is proper as to them, it is surely proper as to ourselves; and a moment's reflection shows that most of the same members will be re-elected, so that the veil of delicacy would be too thin to conceal the views of members to provide for themselves, though in future. Sir, what would be the feelings of honorable men towards the highly honorable mover of this bill, (Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky,) who slew Tecumseh with his own hands; who came up here present circumstances of the Government, while encumbered with an immense public debt, he decidedly condemned. Mr. H. closed a long speech, by moving to postpone the bill to December next, of course to reject it. Mr. GROSVENOR replied to Mr. HUGER, and advocated the bill. The Constitution, he said, had provided that Congress should fix its own compensation, and he was opposed to postponement. He maintained that the pay was inadequate to the comfortable subsistence of the members; and it never was intended that they should come here to live on hominy and molasses in hovels, but to live like gentlemen. He wished not to put the seats in Congress up to the lowest bidder, but to induce those best qualified to fill them; and would make such a compensation as would enable the poorest man to come here. The reverse of this, he said, would be anti-republican, and tend to bring those only of wealth. Mr. RANDOLPH said he was sorry to see the time and talents of his friend (Mr. GROSVENOR) misapplied, in answering the objections of the gentleman, (Mr. HUGER,) and was surprised at the gentleman (Mr. HUGER) persisting in his course, after the good advice he had taken the liberty of giving him yesterday, though he could not say that he had followed it himself. Mr. R. said he now began to descry, through the fog of debate, the latitude of the gentleman's arguments-the speeches were perhaps intended to meet his constituents. He scouted the idea of |