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Vengeance of Eros, verse, imitated from The-
ocritus, (Charles A. Bristed,) 482.
Vinton, Memoir of the Hon. Samuel F., 297.
Procures a collegiate education by teaching,
298; studies law, and settles at Gallipolis,
Ohio, ib. ; enters at once upon a successful
practice, 299; unexpectedly nominated for
Congress in 1822, and re-elected for fourteen
years, ib.; procures an important modification
of the Land Laws, ib.; defeats Calhoun's
scheme of Indian migration, 300; debate on
Nullification, 302; his successful defence of
the public lands system, ib.; withdraws from
Congress in 1837, and reluctantly drawn
back in 1843, 303; his final retirement, 304.

W.

War of Chizza, (Trans. by C. C. Hazewell,)
399, 470.

Wars between the Danes and Germans, for
the Possession of Schleswig, (Prof. Adol-
phus L. Koeppen,) 453.

"Woman's Rights," (Rev. John W. Nevin, D.
D.,) 367. Man the centre and embodiment
of nature, 367; humanity incomplete with-
out a free social union of its members, 368;
Religion the crowning idea of humanity,
369; the Family the fundamental form of
society, ib.; the distinction of sex universal
and organic, 370; this distinction imperisha-
ble, 371; the physical difference of the sexes
-extends to the body as a whole, 372; the
moral difference also complete, 373; the
sexes designated to widely different spheres
of life, ib.; humanity completed in the unity
of the two sexes, 375; the nature of love,
376; marriage a mutual self-surrendry of
individual personality, 378; theory of the
emancipation of woman, 379.

Whigs, The, and their Candidate, (Hon. Daniel
D. Barnard,) 221. Objects to be gained by

Whig ascendency, 221; Whig principles-
opposition to executive usurpation-the veto,
222; distinction between legislative and
executive functions, 223; ambitious views
of Gen. Cass, 225; the advocate of execu-
tive supremacy, 226; proper character for a
Whig candidate, 228; Zachary Taylor-his
character and opinions, 229; grounds for the
action of the Convention, 231; the Alison
letter, 232; the Free Soil Party--its object
secured by the election of General Taylor,

233.

Whigs, Causes of the Success of the, at the
late Presidential Election, (J. D. W.,) 547.
The result of the election, 547; disinter-
ested professions of our candidate, 548;
Congress restored to its original functions
by this election, ib.; a deadly blow given
by it to demagoguism, 549; course of the
Administration in the matter of annexation-
should have mediated before it annexed,
550; what we have gained by the war, 551;
tariff system of the Administration, ib.;
origin of their distrust of the people-Jack-
son's experiment in banking, 552; doctrine
of the division of labor among the nations,
ib.; evil effects of permitting manufactures
in this country, 553; operation of the tariff
of 1846-occasions great fluctuations in the
market, ib.; ruinous effects on manufacturing
districts, 554; why the farmers voted against
the Administration, ib. ; interest of Southern
planters in the establishment of manufac-
tures, ib.; employment of slave labor, 555;
support of the Whig candidate by the com-
mercial clases--improvement of harbors and
rivers, 556; reasons of the Administration
for vetoing the River and Harbor bill, 557;
doctrine of non-interference with the interests
of the country, ib.; working of the credit
system, 558; specie system of the Adminis-
tration, 559.

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Ir is now certain who will be the candi- | ment, the debt of honor must be paid, or date of the Whig Party for the next Presi- we lose all consideration, and therefore all dency. GENERAL TAYLOR has received force. a majority of all the voices of the Convention, and the spirit of our institntions, which rest for security in the acquiescence of minorities, compels us, as good citizens and good Whigs, to support the nomination.

Some inconsiderate persons in the North talk about a movement for the nomination of Mr. Clay by Northern Whigs, notwithstanding he was among the candidates of the Convention. If these persons were as careful of Mr. Clay's honor as they were suspicious of Gen. Taylor's when it was falsely reported that the Gen. would run whether he was nominated or not, they would see that it is really a moral impossibility for him to become a candidate, as it would have been impossible for Gen. Taylor had Mr. Clay been nominated. None of the names that were used by the Convention, except that of the nominee, can be used by Whigs represented in the Convention. Party conventions are not under the laws of the land; they are therefore governed by the code of honor. The integrity and success of a party depend on its rigid adherence to this code. Whatever be our chagrin or disappoint

The objections to the nomination of General Taylor arose out of a double misapprehension: first, of the political sentiments of the nominee, and second, in regard to his treatment of the Convention.

On the first of these points, the homely but spirited and satisfactory testimony of Major Gaines, at the Whig Reception Meeting, held June 16th, in Faneuil Hall, Boston, will give some idea of the confidence reposed in his principles by his friends :

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GEN. TAYLOR AS A MAN.

Hon. John J. Crittenden addressed a great meeting at Pittsburgh, Pa., on Friday evening, being on his way home to Kentucky, having resigned his seat in the Senate to canvass the State for Governor. Mr. Crittenden never could make a poor speech, and on this occasion he made a very good one in commendation of Gen. Taylor. It does not prove Gen. Taylor the best man for President, but it shows that he possesses (as we always supposed) many sterling qualities. The following synopsis (we have no room for a fuller report) we take from the Pittsburgh Gazette:

GEN. TAYLOR IS A WHIG.

This, Mr. Crittenden said, he declared from his own knowledge. He is a Whig, a good Whig, a thorough Whig. I know him to be a Whig, but not an ultra Whig. All his political feelings are identified with the Whig party.

GEN. TAYLOR IS AN HONEST MAN.

On the uprightness of Gen. Taylor's character, Mr. Crittenden dwelt with great earnestness, as a trait which he knew, and felt, and admired. He said he was emphatically an honest man, and he defied the opponents of the old soldier to bring aught against him impeaching his uprightness, in all his transactions, during a public life of forty years. His appearance and manners bear the impress of such sterling honesty, that peculation, meanness, and rascality are frightened from his presence. Gen. Twiggs, who has been on habits of intimate personal intercourse with him, said to the speaker lately that there was not a man in the world, who had been in the company of Gen. Taylor five minutes, who would dare make an improper proposition to him. Dishonesty flees from his presence.

GEN. TAYLOR IS A MAN OF GREAT ABILITIES.

His whole military life gives evidence of this. He never committed a blunder, or lost a battle. There is not another man in the army who would have fought the battle of Buena Vista but Gen. Taylor,-and not another who would have won it. Examine the whole history of his exploits, in all their detail, and you see the evidence of far-reaching sagacity and great ability.

GEN. TAYLOR IS A MAN OF LEARNING.

Not mere scholastic learning--he has never graduated at a college but his mind is richly stored with that practical knowledge, which is acquired from both men and books. He is a deeply read man, in all ancient and modern history, and in all matters relating to the practical duties of life, civil and military. He is inti

mate with Plutarch,-said the speaker,-a Plu tarch hero himself, as bright as ever adorned the page of history. Gen. Gibson-you all know and love Gen. Gibson, one of your own Pennsylvanians, a man whose reputation for truth and honor was proverbial, and whose word was always the end of controversy, so implicitly was it relied upon,-Gen. Gibson had told him, that he and Gen. Taylor had entered the army nearly together, and had served together almost constantly, until he, Gibson, retired, and that during that time they had sat together on seventeen Court Martials, many of them important and intricate cases, and in every single instance, Zachary Taylor had been appointed to draw up the opinion of the Court,a brilliant testimony to his superior abilities, and ripe learning, and practical knowledge. GENERAL TAYLOR'S HUMANITY AND SIMPLICITY OF CHARACTER.

Gen. Taylor is a plain, unassuming, unosThere is no tentatious, gentlemanly man. pride, no foppery, no airs about him. He possesses the utmost simplicity of character. When in the army, he fared just as his soldiers faredate the same food-slept under his tent and underwent similar fatigue--for fifteen months in Mexico, never sleeping in a house one night. His humanity, kindness, and simplicity of character, had won for him the love of his soldiers. He never kept a guard around his tent, or any pomp or parade. He trusted his soldiers, and they trusted and loved him in return. Not a drop of his soldiers' blood was shed by him during the campaign. All the blood shed under his direction was shed in battle. We hear of no military executions—no judicial shedding of blood. His heart moved to human woe, and he was careful of the lives of his soldiers, and humane to the erring, and to the vanquished foe. He is kind, noble, generous, feeling-a friend of the masses-there is no aristocracy about him-he is a true Democrat. He will adorn the White House, and shed new light over the fading and false Democracy of the day, which has gone far into its sere and yellow leaf-he will bring in a true, vigorous, verdant, refreshing Democracy.

GEN. TAYLOR PROSCRIBES NO MAN FOR OPINION'S

SAKE.

He is a good and true Whig, but he will proscribe no man for a difference of opinion. He hates, loathes proscription. He loves the free, independent utterance of opinion. He has commanded Whigs and Democrats on the field of battle-has witnessed their patriotic devotion and invincible courage while standing together shoulder to shoulder-has seen them fight, bleed, and die together; and God forbid he should proscribe any man on account of a difference of political sentiments. He would as soon think, said the speaker, of running from a Mexican!

GENERAL TAYLOR'S POSITION.

no

Some object, said the speaker, to General Taylor, because he is from the South, and is a slaveholder. Are we not one people? Do you not love the Union? Have I not the same rights as a Kentuckian, to all the benefits of our glorious Union, that you have as Pennsylvanians? We are one people from the Atlantic to the Pacific; from our most Northern line to the Rio Grande, we are one people-it is all my country-it is all yours. There is country, there never was a country like this. Rome, in her mightiest days, never possessed so vast and splendid a country as this-so grand, so great, so glorious. Our destiny is as glorious as our country, if we hold together. and do not suffer sectional prejudices to divide us. We speak one language-our identity is the same we are one consolidated peopleand our success has hitherto been glorious and unprecedented. Shall we, then, divide in feeling? No! no! no matter where our man is from, if he is an American. Gen. Taylor, in his feelings, knows no South, no North, no East, no West. He is an American. Where has he lived? In his tent for forty years. His home, for forty years, has been under the American Flag!-the flag of his whole country. He is a national man-he has lived everywhere, wherever the flag waves! He is not a southern inan-he is an American! He proscribes no one, either of the North or South; and will you proscribe him for the accident of birth and home? He condemns no man for the institutions of his State. Will you condemn him? He is a kind, generous, noble old man-a true American in heart.

GEN. TAYLOR'S HABITS.

He is a temperate man-he never drank a bottle of spirits in his life. His habits are exemplary.

GEN. TAYLOR'S INFLEXIBILITY OF CHARACTER. Finally, said the speaker, he is a man you cannot buy a man you cannot sell a man you cannot scare-and a man who never surrenders!*

If this be not sufficient to convince those who are afraid of being betrayed, let them read the following from a gentleman long versed in political affairs, and whom our readers will not readily suspect of any design of demoralizing' the party. The Hon. Daniel D. Barnard, in reply to an invitation from the Whig General Committee, to attend the Ratification Meeting in New York, wrote thus:

*New York Tribune, June 23d. + Courier and Enquirer.

ALBANY, June 12, 1848. GENTLEMEN:--It will not be in my power to be in New York on the occasion of the Whig Ratification Meeting, on the 14th inst., to which you have done me the honor to invite me. I approve of the prompt call of this meeting; and if I were or could be on the spot, I should attend, and join in "responding to the nominations made at Philadelphia;" though I could not do so without a struggle with myself. To me, it would not be unlike going to a festival immediately after having witnessed the funeral obsequies of some long-cherished friends, while my inclinations would lead me rather to stay behind with the mourners. It is a case not unlike the state ceremonies observed in other countries, when the monarch dies, and his successor is instantly proclaimed. The cry is-"The king is dead--long live the king." CLAY, WEBSTER, SCOTT, eminent men and civilians all, of tried and known principles, sink down before our eyes, while rolling in upon us from the South, a popular mountain wave sweeps over them, on the crest of which is borne in triumph the successful and war-worn soldier, ZACHARY TAYLOR. The cry is instantly raised--long live Zachary Taylor! Well, as the monarchy cannot do without its king, so this Republic cannot do without its President, and the Whig party must have its candidate. A National Convention, speaking by authority. in the name of the Whig party, has proclaimed the name of General Taylor as a fit candidate before the American people for the Presidency. The alternative candidate is General Cass-

and there is no other. As one of the people, I shall take General Taylor for my candidate, and not General Cass. I believe he is a better soldier, a better man, and will make a better President for the country than General Cass. And I am ready, as a Whig, without waiting to hear further from him, to tender him my support, and my humble but earnest efforts for his election; but I do this in the full confidence that he will show himself in the government to be a man thoroughly imbued with Whig principles. Taking these principles into the administration with him, and calling about him I shall not, for one, like him any the less, if he the right sort of agencies for their maintenance, shall seem, as President, to think more of his country than of the Whig party. I shall like him the better if he shall put his country before any party. I shall not indulge in any fear that the Whig party can suffer, so long as its cherished principles are maintained by official authority and the power of the government.

If we may see the new dynasty--or rather I should call it, perhaps, the last phase of an old dynasty-the worst and most mischievous the country has ever seen--which began with Mr. Polk, also end with him, instead of being elongated under General Cass; a dynasty, whose brief career in the person of President Polk has

honest and prudent, he cannot speak with

pied with military affairs; in these he is well versed but as the genius of the great commander differs but little, perhaps not at all in its kind, from that of the civil chief, we may be sure his government will be devoid neither of energy, wisdom, nor economy.

qualities equally necessary in the ComWith energy, prudence and moral force, mander and the Governor, the history of the Mexican war shows him to be largely endowed: the same qualities that fitted him to plan a campaign and control the movements of armies, will go with him into the Presidency.

been signalized by the absorption of nearly all authority into executive hands, by an unhal-out deliberation: his mind has been occulowed war of invasion and conquest, by the creation of an enormous debt, by the neglect and sacrifice of the great economical interests of the country, and by a policy looking at once to the extension of the political power of the slave interest, the acquisition of foreign and distant possessions, and the necessary exercise of a vast, overshadowing and imperial power at the seat of the Federal Government;--if we may see an end put to this dynasty; if we may see the Congress of the United States once more become the government; if we may see the Executive office once more reduced to its constitutional limits, and its power handled with modesty, and with becoming deference to the representatives of the national wants and the national will; if we may see peace and not war-the growth of freedom and not the spread of slavery--made the policy of the administration; if we may see the government mainly anxious for the consolidation of our Union rather than its infinite extension, for the improvement, advancement, and true glory of our country as it is, rather than external aggrandizement, to be maintained only by wars, secured, if at all, only at the cost of order, quiet, public virtue, popular contentment and felicity, and finally, of the Union and of liberty itself;-if we may look to the promise of advantages like these from the election of Gen. TAYLOR to the Presidency--and we have many assurances that we may-certainly every Whig, and every patriotic and good citizen will have occasion to rejoice over that election with unspeakable gladness and joy. In this confidence, I for one am ready to join the Whig party, and the people, in bearing Gen. Taylor forward to his destined place in the exalted seat once occupied by the Father of his Country.

I am, gentlemen, with great respect, Your obliged friend and fellow citizen, D. D. BARNARD. Messrs. J. H. Hobart Hawes, Joseph R. Taylor, and Royal H. Thayer, Committee of Correspondence.

We cannot but be satisfied with such testimony. Had General Taylor ever discovered a taint of Locofocoism, his enemies would by this time have raked it out of oblivion. But there is no proof, nor at present any suspicion, of the kind, even in the mind of the most discerning of those who know him. We seek no further proof and shall not agitate the question; we hold it certain that the affections and prejudices of the nominee incline him to the side which we advocate. We do not ask of him an immediate declaration on every point of Whig policy. As he is

Our confidence in Mr. Clay as candidate was unlimited; but it was the character and principles of the man, and not the fact of his being a civilian, that gave that confidence: his traits are those of a great general as well as of a great statesman; he resembles those heroes who have been equally successful in the field and in the cabinet; the same moral force that makes him what he is could not fail to have made him a great general: it fits him equally to make successful use either of civil or of military science. Prudence, firmness, justice; invincible resolution, contempt of opinion, of danger and of accident, an elevated spirit; -these features enter equally into the character of him who defends with success, and of him who justly governs, a free people.

In losing his powerful support the party lose indeed many prospects of advantage; yet it cannot be denied that the present nomination offers opportunities of reform of vast importance to the nation. By an election less violent and more popular, contested not so much against men as against principles and measures, the opportunity will occur of breaking down the system of party patronage to a great extent, and removing a cause of bitterness and contention more injurious than any other to the morals and happiness of the people.

If the private opinions of Gen. Taylor do not fully agree, upon speculative points, with those of the majority, he will not entertain the nation with badly written essays upon Free Trade, under the name of messages to Congress; a conduct of which one look at his countenance may convince us he is incapable.

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