he returned to Grillon's Hotel, where he was introduced to Vicomte de Persigny, an acquaintance which ripened into a warm friendship that was continued throughout their subsequent careers.

De Persigny had surprised him by extreme frankness in expressing his political views. One morning he entered De Falloux's room, saying that unexpected news compelled him to leave suddenly without waiting for money which he expected from France. His luggage, he said, was ample security, but he begged M. de Falloux to take charge of a few books and some other things he valued, and bring them back with him to France. Our author immediately placed his purse at his disposal, and begged him to pay and take all his property with him; an offer accepted with cordiality and dignity.

'I thought he was gone, but he returned, saying, "I feel so grateful for your kindness; I must tell you why I have to go. Prince Louis Napoleon, to whom I am entirely devoted, insists on my joining him immediately in Switzerland. Let me beg of you to come with me. You will see for yourself that the future of our country is there; and I know the Prince well enough to be sure he will do you justice." . . . "You know," said I, "that I come from a Province where fidelity to the Royal cause is not to be shaken; the eagerness of your wish is gratifying, but absolutely impotent to change me." A last effort having convinced him that my determination was invincible, he said, with a certain solemnity of manner: "I respect your sincerity, but I also know your patriotism. Your eyes will be opened hereafter; Prince Napoleon will reign, and you will form part of his first Ministry." In spite of his prophetic air I received his prediction with a peal of laughter, and in a joking tone replied, "Promise me, in that case, that you will give me my portfolio." “Well, then, I promise it." What is really sad is that the destinies of France were unsettled enough to make it possible for two young men of twenty to enter, even jokingly, into such an agreement.'

On returning from England he resided for a time in Paris, where he saw more of De Persigny, and was on really friendly terms with him. He also made the acquaintance of Madame Swetchine, the Abbé Lacordaire, and Lamartine, and proceeded on a tour in Russia, returning thence through Munich and Strasburg. On leaving the Strasburg Opera-house one evening he was addressed by a friend, the Comte de Bruc, who said:

"I think you will be pleased to learn that M. de Persigny is here, but quite incognito." M. de Falloux replied that he should like to see him, but was compelled to leave early next morning, when his friend urged him to pay his visit at once, as midnight was just the time to see de Persigny. Our author then tells us: "I yielded to his urgent

request,

request,... and after traversing two or three winding streets, and a low entrance, we ascended to a garret, where I found myself face to face with six or seven young men round a bowl of punch. It was Prince Louis's état-major."'

De Persigny was for a moment overcome with astonishment, and then putting his arms round my neck exclaimed, 'Can we at last then count upon you?'-'Always as a friend, never as a Napoleonist.' The circumstances having been explained, he remarked: Rest assured, it is Providence who sends you to us. The Prince is close by, just across the frontier. The garrison is ours, and in two or three days we shall be welcomed by the whole of France. . . After an hour's useless discussion I arose, and cordially embracing M. de Persigny, but with sad forebodings, regained my lodgings at five o'clock in the morning, and started for Paris without breathing a word of my secret. A few days after Prince Louis was a prisoner. M. de Persigny had escaped across the frontier.

De Falloux was about to publish a study of the reign of Louis XVI., when the newspapers announced that the Count de Chambord would assist at the manœuvres of the Austrian Camp at Verona. The temptation was irresistible, and he set out at once for Italy, where at Parma he saw Maria Theresa, Napoleon's widow, now married for the third time.

'I do not know whether the Empress had been beautiful; at any rate, when I had the honour of seeing her, her person was by no means attractive . . and looked older than she was. As to the Emperor Napoleon, there was no bust or portrait of him anywhere, nor of the Duc de Reichstadt. Everything betokened either the most complete forgetfulness, or the most courageous resignation.'

He found Rome in a great state of agitation on account of the presence there of the Count de Chambord, who had arrived without notice, out of consideration for the Pope's relations with Louis Philippe. The Count had taken up his residence in the Palazzo Conti with the Duc de Levis, and several other distinguished persons. The impression he produced was in most respects favourable, but already an excess of timidity displayed itself in his entourage. By degrees the Duc de Levis established a sort of quarantine about the Court

' which allowed no ideas and no advice to reach him without having first passed through a sort of fumigation. The doors were thrown widely open for short, cordial audiences, which only admitted homage full of emotion on one side, and manifestations of an unaffected kindness on the other. But if one wished to go further, and by indiscretion, or on the strength of some special claim, one ventured to ask a question or give a grave reply, or enter upon some question of any Vol. 168.-No. 335.

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political

political importance, immediately M. de Levis's face became clouded, and access was diminished or even denied.'

Already the Count showed that vague indecision as to what was to be his course of action, which was the real cause why he died without having attained, for however brief a time, the throne of France.

Soon after M. de Falloux's second return from Italy, Louis Napoleon made his singular attempt at Boulogne, and his trial was to begin in September, 1840. M. Berryer was engaged to defend him, and had to go daily to consult his client at the Luxembourg. There also was imprisoned his enthusiastic follower, Vicomte Fialin de Persigny, whom M. de Falloux obtained permission to visit through M. Berryer's aid, and whom he was able subsequently to befriend; thus adding a link to the chain which bound together the two faithful, but strangely divergent, friends.

In 1841, M. de Falloux married Mlle. de Caradeuc de la Chalotais, an ardent Royalist and an ardent lover of his cherished Anjou. The following year he became an almost successful candidate for the Chamber of Deputies; and he was actually elected for Angers in 1846. It was the period of struggle between Thiers and Guizot, and the new deputy was at first under the spell of the latter's influence.

M. de Falloux became the ardent and persevering advocate of free education, and, after many efforts, succeeded in passing the equitable law which is known as 'la loi Falloux.' M. Guizot was not opposed to such freedom in principle, and might have gained, by adopting it, considerable support. But he dreaded the storm it might raise, and the opportunity it might afford for the hostile eloquence of M. Thiers and the Left of the Chamber. He even vehemently opposed an inoffensive postal reform which M. de Falloux, who was quite outside all party disputes, warmly supported. De Falloux was placed on the Committee appointed for the subject, and spoke so successfully in the Chamber that M. Guizot found himself compelled to submit to a reduction of rates. The question of liberty of education was making progress. M. de Salvandy, Minister of Public Instruction, even proposed a law upon the subject, when the 24th of February arrived; and Ministry, Chamber, and King, were carried away by the revolutionary torrent.

The Revolution of 1848 has more than once been referred to as an effect without a cause; it was rather an effect out of proportion to its causes, whereof the more decisive was the unexpected weakness of the King. He had seen the fall of Napoleon through war, and this had made him cling to peace.

He

He had seen Charles X. fall after having violated his 'Charter' of 1814, and he was deeply persuaded that a scrupulous fidelity to his Charter of 1830, would secure his throne from every danger.

'A contemporary and friend of La Fayette, and owing his election to the National Guard, he had never contemplated the possibility of a rupture with the citizen force; and when, in his presence, in the Place Carrousel, some of its battalions cried, " Vive la réforme!" he retreated, overcome by a cry he felt himself quite unable to repress. Pale, overwhelmed, unresisting, he returned to the Tuileries, took, without resistance, the pen presented to him to sign his abdication, and allowed himself to be carried into exile without giving an order or taking a single measure in favour of a regency he thought little about or had little faith in. He may have been also the victim of some remorse, for he was heard to repeat several times in a low voice, "Like Charles X., like Charles X.!"'

As we all know, the prohibition of a banquet in honour of electoral reform brought about the actual explosion. In spite of their opposition to the July regime, M. Berryer and his followers refused to take part in this attack upon it. At a general meeting of all parties of the opposition, he spoke twice; warning the supporters of the movement, that the ground they were marching towards would give way beneath their feet. M. de Lamartine violently repelled every counsel of prudence and moderation. He was then enjoying, with a sort of intoxication, the popularity which his 'History of the Girondins' had procured him, and he assumed the attitude of a man no longer content with mere description, but aspiring to play a great part himself. The conduct of M. Thiers was by no means straightforward. He kept at the door of the meeting-room without saying a word, though he heard everything, and every now and then, by some gesture, gave encouragement to the most vehement expressions.

When the increasing tumult showed that the time of reasoning was over, M. Berryer retired. I and M. Rainneville followed him, M. Thiers leaving at the same time, and accompanying us a short distance. On the way, I said to him, "Are you not alarmed at all we have just heard and seen?". "Not in the least." "But we seem to be on the eve of a revolution!" He shrugged his shoulders and cheerfully replied, with the utmost confidence, "a revolution! a revolution! It is plain you know nothing of the power of a government! I do; it is ten times greater than the strength of any possible revolt. With a few thousand men commanded by my friend, Marshal Bugeaud, I would answer for everything. You will pardon me, my dear M. de Falloux, if I frankly say the Restoration was

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overthrown

overthrown by nothing but stupidity, and I will guarantee that we shall not be overthrown as that was. The National Guard will give M. Guizot a good lesson. The King's ear is sharp enough, he will understand and yield in time."'

The next day the aspect of the Chambers of Deputies seemed to justify Thiers's words. The majority were full of confidence in the firmness of Guizot, as was Guizot in that of the King. But soon after, he suddenly ascended the tribune, and with melancholy calmness told them that M. Molé had been summoned to the Tuileries to form a new Cabinet. Immediately there were loud cries of Treason! Betrayal! It is the King's Abdication—a revolution!' At six o'clock next morning M. Thiers was Prime Minister; at seven he was powerless; at noon the King had abdicated, and Thiers, greatly agitated, 'too much so for a man who had sought so great a responsibility,' was seeking in the Chamber of Deputies an exit by which he could safely make his escape.

M. de Falloux gives abundant evidence of that patriotic union of men of very different parties which took place on the fall of the Monarchy of July. The 'Moniteur' of March 11, 1848, even announced the names of the most aristocratic ladies of the faubourg St. Germain, side by side with those of Mesdames Dupont (de l'Eure), Ledru-Rollin, Flocon, Crémieux, &c. &c., as patronesses of a charitable effort. Still more remarkable, as contrasted with the Revolution of 1830, and with the existing French Republic, was the absence of anti-religious passion. The Archbishop of Paris, attended by his two 'grands vicaires,' assured M. Dupont de l'Eure of the friendly aid of the clergy, and received a corresponding reply.

The Legitimists of the West worked shoulder to shouider in support of the cause of order, and M. de Falloux was elected to a seat in the Constitutional Assembly.

It had been absurdly decreed that the deputies, at the first meeting of the Assembly (May 4th), should wear as their official costume a coat and waistcoat à la Robespierre. No one, however, but the members of the Government assumed that odious costume, and the impression produced was such, that they dare no more appear in it. His excessive vanity, and deficient political ability, made the eloquence of Lamartine at that time a great danger; which was strongly brought home to M. de Falloux by a fact told him by Marrast. It appears that the latter wanted to know what the old Liberals thought of him and his Provisional Government. De Falloux told him that Thiers, speaking of the admirable harangue of Lamartine against the Red flag, had said:

That