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fallen by arrow or spear. The list of killed and wounded is a terrible one, it is true, and sets one thinking that if the climate can decimate men engaged as these are, what are the prospects ahead for the trader in the districts we are dealing with ?

Whilst on this subject of climate and health, we cordially commend to the would-be explorer one or two hints which we find under Dr. Laws' hand. His experience of Central African hygiene is absolutely unique. He states broadly that a chill means fever; this is the first canon of Dr. Laws' faith, and it does not matter whether the chill arises from cold winds, tramps through wet grass, sudden check of perspiration, or injudicious bathing. What he insists upon is that every one in Central Africa shall arm himself with an india-rubber hot-water bottle, which can soon be filled when a shiver comes on, for every native hut affords a cooking pot and a fire. Applied to the back till warmth is restored, the otherwise inevitable attack will often be averted. Temperance, of course, is a necessity of the situation, and there are plenty of healthy Europeans on the Shiré hills who will insist that abstinence from all wine, beer, and spirits, has had much to do with their good health.

We give all prominence to these doings amongst tribes that are now exercising the minds of the Cabinets of London and Berlin, and among which the Universities' men have wandered and laboured for over twenty-five years. Every movement of the blockading fleets, every engagement on the coast, and the pressure put on the Sultan of Zanzibar, inevitably affects Bishop Smythies and his colleagues. As we write, the Universities' men are allowed to go to and fro between Magila and the Zanzibar sea-board, passing through an excited and inflamed population, who exterminate every German they can lay hands upon. Archdeacon Farler can well claim to say "circumspice' here, for it is due to his labours. The implements which have been pressed into use have not failed to do their work, in the direction which the plough originally marked out.

We cannot disguise from ourselves, that the future of the Mission must require an unabated display of the devotion which has distinguished it hitherto. None of the stations have been abandoned ; the only work interrupted for a time is that of the ladies at Magila, on the mainland, who have been sent down to Zanzibar. Bishop Smythies is with his men, and each remains at his post. Twelve Europeans have joined during the year 1888, making seventy in all, viz. twenty-six clergy, twenty-five laymen, and nineteen ladies.

If, however, upon the one hand we see the leaven of disturbance at work throughout East Africa, occasioned in the

first instance by the German Colonists, who have done all that is rash and nothing that is wise ; if we have to watch Portugal, taking this opportunity to march a horde of savages as her mercenaries into a land, where many years of labour testify that we have an undying interest in it, whilst she has no settlement of any kind involved—we allude to the Shiré highlands and Lake Nyassa—there is, notwithstanding, much that we can turn to with satisfaction. Stanley was certainly safe and well a few months ago, and in this fact we shake off a host of cares. We may anticipate his arrival with fresh stores of knowledge concerning the great Slave-preserve near Albert Nyanza, and also respecting the doings of the Zanzibar Arabs nearer the Congo; all this means surely an impetus to the anti-slavery feeling, which is gaining a foothold on the Continent.

The Imperial East African Company is no emanation of the promoter.'

A remarkable list of names appears at its back, and we may be sure that freedom will be pitted against slave labour with a determined hand. From this point of view we could wish it nearer to the slavers' collecting-grounds, instead of in the Masai country.

But in the meantime an unprepared public is somewhat suddenly instructed, that the moment has arrived for a combined movement against the slave-trade. Many excellent persons, both here and in Africa, dislike any such arrangement; but there are some considerations which should be borne in mind. England has spent millions over the East African slave-trade, since the fathers of the present generation virtually put a stop to that which prevailed upon the Western side. We are spending vast sums still in the same direction; and, if another European Power for the first time offers to bear part of the expense, it is certainly worth while to entertain the suggestion with a little more readiness than has been accorded in the last few months. No doubt Germany has herself to blame, in a great measure, for the scepticism which has been forthcoming. The energy, which has been thrown into the potato-gin trade all round Africa, appears to be incompatible with a new desire to deliver the Africans from themselves. Here again, however, it is probable that the business acumen of Hamburg and Bremen moves in a smaller circle than is generally imagined. It is only fair to recollect that, just as we learn our geography from little wars, so do we imbibe clear conceptions of great evils when disasters happen, which touch either the national pocket or the national pride. Germany has hitherto in all probability been little versed in the ramifications of the slave-trade; what interest has she had in it? what expenditure has she made in




quelling it? But now that she has had her disasters, equally in pocket, pride, and prestige, her interest is aroused. Is it too much to believe that, with the newly engendered interest in African affairs permeating all classes, and strengthened with the very natural satisfaction at having such inen as the explorer Wissmann, and the brave Prussian, Emin Pasha, there will be raised

up in German society a worthier intention than we seem inclined to allow credit for ?

It has been pointed out, that there is another side to the German character, and that the nation which in less enlightened times could launch against the heathendom of the world by far the most wide-spread and influential missionary organization in existence, the Moravian Brotherhood, cannot safely be ridiculed on the score of good works. The spirit which sends forth the Herrnhuters' must find something well within its scope in this new anti-slavery movement, In any case, the barbarities of the slave-trade and the ferocity of Mohammedan potentates—whether we turn to the Khalifat at Kartoum, or the Sultan of Zanzibar, in a mood for executions are now coming under vigilant scrutiny, and a little competition may tend to sharpen the perception.

The accusation of being participants in a sham must, and no doubt will, be repelled at all hazards, and not by unavailing words. The two foremost European statesmen, against whom it has been levelled, will not lack the sympathy of the people, either in this country or in Germany, when the case is more clearly stated; and, we may add, when the slave-trade is more intelligently studied. When it is remembered what the African slave-trade means to millions of human beings, no man can altogether divest himself of the idea, that it would become perilously near mocking God were the subject to be dressed with importance of a sudden for a sinister purpose, or bedecked with unusually emphatic verbiage to secure a retreat from a diplomatic complication.

We are told that no tomb is visited so often as that of Livingstone in Westminster Abbey. Men of all nations stand and spell out the words written on the slab which covers his remains-almost his own last words :- All I can say in

my solitude is, may Heaven's rich blessing come down on every one, American, English, Turk, who will help to heal the open sore of the world. We cannot believe that Germany will fail to claim her share in the old traveller's benediction.

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ART. IX.-Mr. John Morley's Collected Writings :-Voltaire,

Rousseau, Diderot, Critical Miscellanies, Compromise, and
Burke. 10 vols. London, 1886–88.
TE have frequently, in this Review, when discussing

political questions, made passing reference to the views of Mr. John Morley; and there are perhaps sew persons of equal eminence, whose authority we have treated with scantier respect or admiration. We have, however, before now urged, that the views of public men demand and deserve attention, in proportion, not to their intrinsic worth and reasonableness, but to the practical influence which they exercise, or the forces which they represent. On this last ground alone, if on no other, Mr. Morley takes an exceedingly high place amongst those, to whom attention of the most careful kind is due. If there are few politicians who less deserve to be followed, there are few whose opinions it will be more instructive to examine.

We will make our meaning a little more precise. We have spoken of men who exercise practical influence : but it is not his influence which makes Mr. Morley important, neither influence as a thinker nor influence as a politician. We do not believe that, in either character, he has any personal following that numerically is worth speaking about. His importance is due to the fact, not that he wields forces, but that he represents forces, and that he represents them in a way more complete and clear than any other public man in England. That party which, to describe it by the term most acceptable to all of its various sections, we may in a technical sense call the Party of Progress,' no doubt possesses and is inspired by a large number of philosophers; but Mr. Morley is the only one of this number who has connected himself with practical lise, or been in contact with affairs and statesmen. Nor has this contact been accidental. He is not a philosopher who, like Mr. Arthur Balfour, has turned aside from philosophy to devote himself to some urgent national business. There is, in his case, no turning aside whatever. His position in the practical world is the direct consequence and sequel of his position as a thinker, and takes from his position as a thinker whatever meaning it possesses. The Radical party has sought him out and promoted him, not because he was eminent for any practical tact or ability, but because he was eminent as an exponent of the underlying rationale of Radicalism. He has none of that mastery of men's most powerful weaknesses which Mr. Gladstone possesses from being himself a colossal embodiment of them : but his works and his life possess what Mr. Gladstone's do not.


There is in them a certain oneness of purpose and coherency, which embrace not only the theory of Radical politics, but also the theories philosophical, social, and religious, with which, on the whole, those politics are inseparably allied. He is the Fénelon or the Cardinal Newman of, we will not say the Radical party, but we will say of the Radical movement. He expresses for that movement the reason of the faith that is in it, or at least as much of that faith as has any reason to be expressed ; and hence the interest that attaches to the ten handsome volumes, in which his writings have been recently collected and published, and whose general significance we now propose to discuss.

It is well, indeed, to warn the reader that, when we call these volumes interesting, we do not use the word in the sense which it would bear at a circulating library. With certain notable exceptions, of which we shall speak presently, the style, though close and lucid, is of almost unparalleled dryness. But, if we master our distaste for this strangely repellent medium, we shall find in Mr. Morley's writings a lesson that is singularly instructive, and is certainly very different from any that he means to teach us. We shall see the whole inner spirit of modern democratic progress, represented in its best, its completest, and its most conscientious development. We shall see, not only its political creed and aims, but its religious, its moral, and its philosophical creed also, as they appear to a man who has devoted every effort to bringing them into some consistent and practical whole, and who does not flinch from letting the world know, what many of his party have not the courage to confess, and what still more have not the capacity clearly and consistently to realize. We shall see this, and something else besides. We shall not only see the man as the representative and exponent of a system, but we shall also see a system as re-acting on and affecting the man. We shall see the man bringing to the system many qualities of a high and unusual nature, unusual integrity, unusual intelligence and culture, unusual fairness, and unusual powers of reasoning: but we shall see that, though these qualities are strong, the system is still stronger ; and that with a savage and pitiless force it crushes, distorts, or mutilates, whatever of good is unhappily consecrated to defending it. We shall see that, being immoral and irrational in its postulates, in its temper, and in its aims, it makes its defenders immoral and irrational also; that, by an iron and irresistible movement, it tortures tolerance into intolerance, candour into rancorous hatred, scientific scepticism into the blindest and most abject superstition, and logical


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