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moned, he would rise instantly, repair to the stable in the dark, and sally forth. For five-and-twenty years, besides the ordinary treatment of common illness, he attended women in their confinements, extracted teeth, couched for cataract, and set broken limbs. He would tire out two horses in a day, and, if sent for again, would walk. But this medical practice by no means exhausted Charles Higgins's energy. He was an active and zealous magistrate. For eight-and-forty years he hardly ever missed the weekly meeting of the Board of Guardians at Bedford. In many respects he was a model landlord. He built a national school, a school house, an infant school, a reading room, and a village museum. He entirely remodelled the sanitary arrangements of the village, and built sixty new cottages on the most approved principles. He restored the parish church at his own cost, lengthened the nave, and erected a new chancel. The village choir was the object of his special

He was organist and choir-master of his parish, and he organized a choral association in his neighbourhood, which did wonders for the music of the adjacent churches. He attempted to compile a Diocesan Hymn-book, which, he hoped, might in time become the authorized hymnal of the Church of England. At the annual Church Congresses, and at local and diocesan gatherings, he constantly spoke on the subject of Hymnology, which indeed occupied a chief place in his affections. In all his manifold works for the glory of God, the good of His Church, and the service of the poor, he received the readiest and most sympathetic help from his admirable wife (whom he had married in 1853), a sister of Dean Burgon's.

Towards the end of Charles Higgins's life his physical strength, which had once been enormous, gradually declined ; but his mental faculties remained unimpaired to the close, which occurred on the 23rd of January, 1885. He had been, as his brother-in-law and biographer truly says, “a blessing to his native village for seventy-eight years.

We have thus reached the close of that series of Twelve Lives, which, according to Dean Burgon's own showing, cost him so much time and toil during his last days. He was busy with the task almost to the end, for the preface bears date, ‘Holy Week, A.D. 1888,' and the author died on the 4th of the following August. The Lives depicted are of very various degrees of interest and importance; but in each case the method of handling displays the same accurate research, the same painstaking care, the same quickness to seize the salient features of a character or a situation, the same humorous vivacity, and the


same originality and vigour of style. In brief, Dean Burgon seems to us to have possessed, in no common degree, the most valuable qualifications for biographical writing. In addition to the Twelve Lives which form the substance of his volumes, he briefly sketches in the preface certain characters which were closely akin to those described at greater length, and which, already half-forgotten, the Dean desired to preserve from total oblivion. These were Robert Hussey, B.D., first Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History at Oxford ; Walter Waddington Shirley, D.D., a later occupant of the same post; James Riddell, Fellow of Balliol; Philip Edward Pusey, the Editor of St. Cyril ; Edward Cooper Woollcombe, Fellow of Balliol ; William Kay, the Principal of Bishop's College, Calcutta ; Robert Gandell, the Professor of Syriac and Arabic; and Charles Portales Golightly, the sturdy champion of Protestantism in Oxford. There is not one of these characters, on which the student of ecclesiastical history might not dwell with interest and advantage; but enough has already been said to show that the lamented author of these volumes has, in his latest work, conferred the most important and enduring benefits or those who shall hereafter attempt to delineate the history of the Anglican Revival. But the Dean's work has not been, solely or even chiefly, to provide material for future historians. He has rendered a signal service to the Church, of which he was the most devoted son, by exhibiting her power to produce, under the most various circumstances, the highest type of Christian saintliness and ministerial efficiency. He has shown, by repeated instances, that practical labour can be combined with profound research; that the most passionate zeal on behalf of imperilled Truth is compatible with the widest charity and the gentlest temper; and that a sturdy resistance to all modern and foreign corruptions of the Catholic Deposit is not merely consistent with, but consequent upon, a heartfelt devotion to the ancient faith of Christendom.

We end, as we began, with the expression of our affectionate and regretful respect for the memory of the pious and learned writer of these volumes; and we cordially say Amen’ to his devout aspiration that this, his latest handiwork, may not only serve to perpetuate the names of certain 'good men,' but may also incite a later and laxer generation to imitate their holy and serviceable lives.



ART. VII.— The Life of Sidney, Earl Godolphin, K.G., Lord

High Treasurer of England, 1702–1710. By the Hon. Hugh
Elliot. London, 1888.
THE first Tory Prime Minister of England was a man of

whose private life few particulars have come down to us, though his personal tastes and habits have been described by Swist and Pope.

The additional information, therefore, relating to the family history which, Mr. Elliot has been able to supply from the new materials placed at his disposal, will be welcome to the curious in such matters. This information is nearly all contained in the second chapter of the book ; which, with this brief exception, is exclusively dependent for its rinterest on the political questions of the day, and on the light which it throws on the parties and party intrigues of the time. In this branch of his subject the author has not, however, much to tell us which is absolutely new. No biography of Lord Godolphin, he confesses, can be really complete, till much material which is at present entombed in family archives is rendered accessible.' But the official life of Lord Godolphin embraces several great public questions; and as Mr. Elliot, by his manner of dealing with these questions, challenges criticism, we will now reconsider some of the political controversies, and personal mysteries, by which students of the reign of Queen Anne still find themselves confronted. There are three questions still sub judice on which we shall join issue with Mr. Elliot: namely, Godolphin's relations with the Stuarts after the Revolution ; his connection with the betrayal of the Brest expedition; his differences with Lord Peterborough ; and a fourth, which is now raised for the first time, namely, his general scheme for governing without party.

Sidney Godolphin was a gentleman of an ancient Cornish family, claiming descent from the De Godolghan, who held land in Cornwall under the Norman Kings. His immediate ancestor was Sir John Godolphin, High Sheriff of the county in the reign of Henry VII. In the seventeenth century the Godolphins were Cavaliers, and the statesman's father and uncle were both in arms for the King. Sidney, the uncle, was one of the soldier-poets of that romantic era, and some verses quoted by Mr. Elliot possess considerable merit. He was killed at Chagford, in Devonshire, in 1643, and buried in Okehampton Church. “Clarendon has described his character ; Waller collated his poems; and Hobbes wrote his epitaph.'

At the ancestral seat in Cornwall, situated between the Lizard and the Land's End, Sidney Godolphin was born in the summer


of 1645, and was christened in the neighbouring church of St. Breage on the 15th of July, a month after the battle of Naseby. He is said to have been a master of classical learning, but he did not acquire his scholarship either at a public school or a University. Mr. Elliot thinks that, while still a boy, he joined Charles II. on the Continent, and that it was the recollection of the wretched life then led by so many British exiles, which determined him at a later stage of his career not to go on his travels again. But the first thing known about him with certainty is that, in April 1664, when he was not quite nineteen, he was a page at Whitehall. Here he learned some accomplishments which were useful to him in after life: the art of keeping his countenance; of assuming a vacant look when he heard tidings which he did not wish to seem to understand ; perfect self-possession ; and the manners necessary to a courtier. During the Dutch war of 1667, he obtained a commission and served as cornet in a troop of horse ; but he never was on active service ; and in October 1668 he was returned to Parliament for the family borough of Helston.

He married in May 1675, at the age of twenty-nine, Margaret Blague, one of the maids of honour - Evelyn's Mrs. Godolphin-then in her twenty-third year, who died in September 1678, leaving an only son Francis, who married in 1698 Lady Henrietta Churchill, eldest daughter of the Duke of Marlborough, and became the second Earl Godolphin. Sidney Godolphin and his wife were devotedly attached to each other. She was good, beautiful, and clever, and Ben Jonson's epitaph on Lady Pembroke might, it seems, with almost equal propriety have been applied to her. Her husband mourned for her as one that would not be comforted, and all the romance of his life was buried in her grave. It is something in Godolphin's favour that he inspired such a woman as this with a genuine passion, when he had neither rank, wealth, nor a handsome face nor figure to recommend him. He was called . Baconface' by his contemporaries; and though the bust in Westminster Abbey is more favourable to his features than Kneller's portrait, it is clear that he never had the form and mien which ladies love to look upon. At the best he must have been a heavy, phlegmatic-looking man, though, according to Boyer, he had a bright piercing eye; and his habitual gravity, almost bordering on pomposity, was occasionally relieved by a very pleasant smile. He had, we are told, a brown complexion, a little disfigured by the small-pox, and, what Mr. Elliot omits to mention, 'a very amorous temper,' which at a later period of his life seems to have exercised some influence on his fortunes.


Lord Macaulay has drawn the character of the statesmen of the Revolution in a few bold lines which, granted his premisses, convey, no doubt, a tolerably just impression of them. All, however, was not dishonesty which seemed such to Lord Macaulay. If the Revolution was an unmixed good, if the honest men opposed to it were destitute of ability, and if the able men opposed to it were destitute of honesty, there is an end of argument. But this reasoning is based on an assumption, which history will hardly sustain, that the balance of advantage in favour of the Revolution was so heavy, and so obvious, that there could be no occasion for doubt in the mind of any real statesman. The general accusation against the cluster of distinguished men, who stood at the head of affairs in this country from 1680 to 1720, is, that they played a double game in politics, courting the confidence of one dynasty while engaged in the service of another; and thinking rather of their own security and success than of what was most conducive to the interests of their country. But their excuse is that it was not altogether so easy then, as it may be now, to see what really were the true interests of the country. A very large part of the nation, probably a large majority, thought that, if only the Stuarts could be brought to conform to the Church of England, the public interests would be best served by their restoration. This would save all the evils of a disputed succession; and would save England at the same time from the unpalatable expedient of handing herself over to the rule of foreigners, and from being drawn into those European complications which were destined to cost her so dear. That the Stuarts would never take kindly to the system of Parliamentary government was an argument which the men of that day could not be expected to appreciate as clearly as we do now. Why should not James III. be contented to rule like William III.? If it was quite certain that the father would never change his religion, the son might. The duty of a wise and prudent man, with a reasonable regard for his own interests, did not in this matter seem inconsistent with the duty of a patriot. If the Revolution government was only a provisional government, there was surely no harm in taking thought of what was to follow, and in being prepared for all eventualities.

There was, in the abstract, nothing dishonest in this mode of reasoning ; but it is easy to see that it might soon become so in the concrete; such reasoning involved a principle of action which it was not possible to avow, and which it might become necessary to conceal by the wilful deception of individuals. Professions of attachment to the exiled dynasty were


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