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JAN. 28, 1835.]

POST OFFICE REPORTS.

Post Office Reports.

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the reports made by the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads.

Mr. GRUNDY renewed his motion to print 2,500 copies of the report and documents, and 5,000 copies of the report alone.

Mr. CLAYTON moved to print 5,000 of the report alone, and 5,000 of the report and documents.

Mr. GRUNDY said that, as chairman of the committee, and their organ, he had no power to make any change in the motion he had been instructed to make. He, however, should make no objection to the larger number, if that was more agreeable to the Senate. Mr. EWING also rose and stated that he should make no objection to the larger number.

Mr. LEIGH said he should be willing to vote for the largest number, with the documents, or he should be willing to reduce the number of copies of the reports, without the documents, to the smallest number: though he would rather see the reports printed together with the documents. He had listened attentively to the reading of the reports, and it struck him at the time that the two branches of the committee did differ about matters of fact, and sometimes widely. On one point, the honorable chairman, in a private conversation afterwards with him, corrected him; but still, notwithstanding the great confidence he had in the information given him by the gentleman, yet he (Mr. L.) apprehended he was right, for he could not so far be mistaken in the import of the language, as to suppose there was no discrepancy as to matters of fact between the majority and the minority. The truth would be found, then, that there was a difference in the positive statement of facts, which, but for the information of the Senator from Tennessee, he should have now believed was so, or that there was a difference in the inferences from facts on the same evidence on which both committees reported. He was positive that there was a wide difference, as to the facts, between them. Now, for the life of him, he could not determine which of the inferences was correct--that drawn by the majority, or that by the minority. It was impossible to determine the question. Well, then, it would be impossible for the public to judge as to the correctness of facts, without examining the evidence; therefore, he thought the documents should accompany the reports. He would move that 10,000 copies, with the documents, be printed.

Mr. GRUNDY said that what he meant to convey by any remark of his to the Senator from Virginia was, that there was not so great a difference as he might imagine, on the whole. He would not believe, though he thought the minority committee did not take the same course in their examination, to ascertain facts, as the majority, that there could be much difference between them. The minority report touched some subjects which the majority did not, and the statement of facts of the majority were more ample. Both reports, he thought, had better go out together, as they would correct each other.

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Mr. WEBSTER was inclined to think that the documents had better accompany the reports, and that 20,000 copies should be printed. He thought it was the general wish of the country that a large number should be stricken off. He moved to strike out all after the word "resolved," and to insert "that 20,000 of the reports and documents be printed."

Mr. CALHOUN concurred entirely in the views of the Senator from Virginia, and in the proposition of the Senator from Massachusetts, that 20,000 would not be too many.

Mr. HILL wished to ask the honorable chairman of

[SENATE.

the minority committee, whether it was admitted that $100,000 had been squandered by the Post Office on one contractor, and $12,000 on another, as stated by the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. GRUNDY supposed it was so stated, and that was the opinion of the majority. He (Mr. G.) had never made any calculation to see whether it was so or not; large sums had been overpaid, but he thought the majority were under a mistake. Some contractors had received more than they were entitled to; and the minority had gone further than the majority on this point, having recommended reprisals, that the overpayments should be deducted from the sums becoming due.

Mr. PORTER said he hoped the Senator from New Hampshire was satisfied with the answer of the chairman of the committee. There could be no doubt that money had been advanced contrary to law, and on that subject the honorable chairman had even gone further than the majority of the committee.

He (Mr. P.) had formerly been in the habit of voting for large numbers of copies. But he believed that, if the Senate adopted the proposition to print 20,000 copies, they would not be ready for circulation before October next. He thought that the public would be put in possession of sufficient information by the publication of the debates and other matters, that it would be unnecessary to print so many copies. He was of opinion that 2,000 or 2,500 would be sufficient.

Mr. LEIGH moved that 10,000, with the documents, be printed.

Mr. HILL thought it unnecessary to print so many copies. It was a useless expense, and ought not to be incurred.

Mr. EWING said that he attended with some care to the report of the minority, but he was unable to make up a positive opinion as to whether the two reports differed in facts. His impression was, that they did differ more materially than he had expected. In his conversations with the chairman of the committee, there had not appeared to be any great difference of opinion; and he did originally believe that there was no great difference in the reports. He might have been mistaken. The order of examination of the two branches of the committee was different. The minority, in its course of proceeding, completely reversed the order of the majority. Their process being so different-being, indeed, as different as possible--the facts might be the same in both, although the different form in which they were presented, might perplex the ear. He could not say that there was, or was not, a discrepancy between the two papers; but he believed that any person reading the two papers would come to different conclusions on many points from those formed in the reports, according to the manner in which he examined the premises. He was, therefore, disposed to yield the opinion which he had originally entertained, that it would be well to circulate some of the reports without the evidence. Since he had seen the report of the minority, he was induced to surrender that opinion, and to agree only to send the reports abroad, accompanied by the testimony. He therefore wished that the chairman of the committee would coincide with him in the propriety of sending out the reports and documents together, that the people might have an opportunity of comparing the two reports with the evidence, and forming their own conclusions.

Mr. GRUNDY stated that he had no objection to furnish to the people every possible means of informing themselves on the subject, and correcting any errors in the reports, whether they were the errors of the majority or of the minority. Therefore, he could make no objection on that score. It was their duty to place the facts before the people. Even had the committee been unanimous, the people ought to have had all the

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information; and it was more especially proper in the present case, where there had been a difference in the views of the committee. His only objection was to the magnitude and number. He had no objection to every thing which was useful being printed; every thing that could be read. He supposed he might say that this matter would make two respectable volumes in bulk, to say nothing of the respectability of the contents. He thought that 10,000, with the documents, would be sufficient, and he could not vote for more.

Mr. HILL said that, however pure might have been the motives of the committee, it was not to be denied that they went into this examination with a predisposition to condemn the Department.

Mr. MANGUM called the Senator from New Hampshire to order, and proceeded to take down the words. Mr. EWING then expressed a hope that the Senator from North Carolina would not proceed on the point of order. No one would feel hurt by any remark which could fall from the Senator from New Hampshire.

[JAN. 28, 1835.

now looked to the succession in power, that the exposition now made of the present state of affairs would produce a powerful result upon the people, and those who are now the successful party would then be beaten, horse, foot, and dragoons. He trusted in God that he should do his duty. If he could turn but a pebble, it should be turned with a good heart and a patriotic

purpose.

He knew not specifically the character of the developments which were made in this report, but he understood they were more enormous even than those contained in the report made last summer. He should vote for the proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts. And, when he (Mr. M.) had heard that every species of virulence had been resorted to out of doors, to throw discredit on the report, and calumniate the committee, he trusted his friend from Louisiana would consider the importance of the matter, and retract his opposition.

Mr. PORTER said that, since he was last up, he had spoken on the subject to the printer, who had assured him he could deliver the whole 20,000 copies to the Senate by that day month. He should therefore vote for the largest number.

Mr. HILL said he thought he was not out of order. He conceived he had a right to state that, according to what he had heard, partial evidence had been taken with an ex parte view. It was said that this was only a oneMr. HILL repeated what he had before said, and addsided case. Testimony had been taken in the dark--ined, that he had heard, out of doors, that all the examinasecret; and the persons implicated had not had fair play tions taken by the committee had not been taken openly. in their examination, and the people of the United States It was not known when the meetings of the committee ought to know this, and say whether or not that was a from day to day were to be held. proper proceeding.

Mr. MANGUM said that this was a very important matter, and was of more immediate interest to the people than any other that could come before Congress; and he was inclined to vote for the highest number, but he should be unwilling to do that unless the reports were accompanied by the documents. Every Senator there knew that the virulence and prejudice of parties would operate against a mere statement of facts, and they would obtain no credence were they not supported by the testimony on which they were founded. And what Department of the Government, he should like to know, was of such deep and vital interest to the community as that of the Post Office? It was only by sending the evidence abroad that facts were to be brought out, and light thrown on this subject. He should be unwilling to vote for an extraordinary number of copies, did he not know that they might be usefully distributed. That three or four only should be found in every county of each State, was not sufficient, he was sure. And it was not to be expected that the great mass of politicians who were contending for office would bring all these facts to the notice of the public in their ad

dresses to them.

He had heard very little of the report read, but that portion of it which he did hear developed facts most disgraceful to that portion of the Government. Last spring the Senate had ordered 30,000 copies of the report on the Post Office to be printed, and it had tended more to awaken the people to the true condition of things than any thing which had occurred for the last ten years.

He thought differently from the Senator from South Carolina, who insisted that "we were beaten." On the contrary, he believed that victory would yet be theirs, if they did their duty; and, with the help of God, he (Mr. M.) meant to do it. To suppose that the people would not shortly perceive the corrup tion that was going on in this Government, was to insinuate that they were incapable of self government. They were, however, unfortunately entranced; but they would ere long awaken from that profound sleep in which they were wrapped, and shake off that incubus that now pressed so heavily upon them. He would not admit that the people were unfit for free Government; he thought another campaign would show those who

Mr. CLAYTON. Doubtless there was no bell rung. Mr. EWING said that it was sufficient to say, in answer to the charge made by the Senator from New Hampshire against the committee, that it was untrue. The sittings of the committee were not secret, nor was any of the testimony taken in secret; and he defied the support of his allegation. Senator from New Hampshire to adduce any proof in

Mr. GRUNDY explained, that he was quite satisfied the committee had acted with the most correct motives, and had obtained the evidence in the best way they could. And, with regard to the relatives of the Senator from New Hampshire, he imagined nothing was said against them by any one. The evidence obtained respecting their transactions was quite satisfactory. He would vote for 10,000 copies.

Mr. HILL, then asked for the yeas and nays on the question, and they were ordered.

The question was then taken on the motion of Mr. WEBSTER, and decided in the affirmative, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Calhoun, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Goldsborough, Kent, Knight, Mangum, Moore, Naudain, Poindexter, Porter, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson, Silsbee, Smith, Southard, TomlinSon, Waggaman, Webster-24.

NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Black, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King of Ala., King of Geo., Leigh, Linn, McKean, Morris, Preston, Shepley, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tyler, White, Wright—22.

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS.

On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate then proceeded to consider the bill making indemnity for French spoliations prior to 1800.

The yeas and nays being ordered on the engrossment of the bill,

The question was taken, and decided in the affirmative, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Bell, Buchanan, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Goldsborough, Kent, Knight, McKean, Moore, Naudain, Poindexter, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Shepley, Silsbee, Smith, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, Waggaman, Webster-25.

NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Black, Brown, Cal houn, Cuthbert, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King

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JAN. 29, 30, 1835.]

Remission of Duties—Fortifications-Death of Warren R. Davis.

[SENATE.

of Alabama, King of Georgia, Leigh, Linn, Mangum, that the appropriations for these objects should be inMorris, Robinson, Tallmadge, Tyler, White, Wright-creased.

21.

Mr. CLAYTON gave notice that he should to-morrow, at one o'clock, move the Senate to proceed to the consideration of executive business.

The Senate then adjourned.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 29.

REMISSION OF DUTIES.

Mr. WEBSTER, from the Committee on Finance, said that that committee had been charged with several petitions for the remission of duties on articles imported by the petitioners; and he was directed by the committee to move that they be discharged from the further consideration of these petitions, and to move a resolution which would bring the subject before the Senate at its next session. He would explain the case of these petitioners in a few words. By the act of the 14th of July, 1832, it was provided that, on certain articles imported into the United States, then subject to heavy duties, there should be a great reduction of duties; such reduction to commence on the 4th of March, 1833. The most material of these articles were usually called plains, kerseys, and Kendal cottons.

As these articles, therefore, were to be admitted into the United States after March, 1833, at very reduced duties, orders were sent out by our merchants for large importations of them. But, before these orders could be answered, Congress, by another act, viz: of the 2d of March, 1833, repealed the act of July, 1832, and reestablished the duties as they existed before the passage of the last-mentioned act, to the great loss of those who had ordered importations. There were some other articles embraced in these laws, one of which was the leaf tobacco of the island of Cuba. The Committee on Finance had had this subject under consideration, and had come to the conclusion that relief ought to be granted to the petitioners, and had had some communication with the Treasury Department on the subject. But the Department had no power to make a report in time to be acted on at this session. The committee, therefore, had instructed him to move that they be discharged from the further consideration of the petitions of Benjamin Allen & Co. and of Zachariah Jellison and others, and to submit the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury cause to be ascertained the amount of duties assessed and paid on plains, kerseys, and Kendal cottons, imported into the United States, which were ordered after the passage of the act of the 14th of July, 1832, and before the passage of the act of the 2d day of March, 1833; and that he lay the amount thereof before the Senate at the next session of Congress.

This resolution was then, on motion of Mr. W., considered by unanimous consent, and adopted.

FORTIFICATIONS.

Mr. BENTON submitted the following resolution, the consideration of which he moved at this time:

Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of increasing the appropriation for arming the fortifications of the United States.

Mr. POINDEXTER thought the resolution should go to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. WEBSTER said he thought the direction designed for it was the most proper one. The Finance Committee, of course, were to look after the means, but he thought it belonged to the Military Committee to inquire into the necessity of making the appropriation. He (Mr. W.) thought it of the most pressing necessity VOL. XI.--18

The resolution was then adopted..

DEATH OF WARREN R. DAVIS.

At this moment a message was received from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Franklin, their Clerk, announcing the death of the honorable WARREN R. DAVIS, a member of that House from the State of South Carolina, and informing the Senate that the funeral would take place, from the hall of the House of Representatives, to-morrow, at twelve o'clock.

The message having been taken up for consideration, Mr. CALHOUN rose and said that, in rising to move the ordinary resolution on this melancholy occasion, he felt it to be due to his own feelings, as well as to the memory of the deceased, to make a few preliminary observations commemorative of his many excellent qualities. I knew the deceased (said Mr. C.) long and intimately. He was my near neighbor and personal and political friend; and we stood closely connected by ties of affinity and the strictest friendship; and I cannot but say that, in passing through life, I have rarely known an individual more richly endowed. His intellect was of the highest order, clear, rapid, and comprehensive. Combined with a wonderful facility of expressing and illustrating his ideas, both in conversation and in debate, he possessed a rich imagination, a pure and delicate taste, a gentle and sportive wit, and an uninterrupted flow of good humor, that made him the delight of Nor were his every circle in which he mingled. moral qualities less deserving of respect and admiration. He was generous, brave, patriotic, independent, and disinterested almost to a fault. For the truth of this picture, that it is not the exaggerated effusion of friendship, perhaps I can appeal to many a hearer around me who knew him well. Such was WARREN RANSOM DAHe is now no more. He departed this life at 7 o'clock this morning. I witnessed the departing scene. When my most excellent friend, the Senator from Missouri, [Doctor LINN,] announced to him his approaching fate, though the sad event was unexpected to him, he received the information with fortitude and firmness, while he thanked him for his kind attentions. All his desire was that he might depart in peace. His wishes were acceded to. This communication to him was made immediately after the adjournment of the Senate yesterday; at one o'clock in the morning he fell into a gentle slumber, from which he never awoke. He departed without a struggle or a groan, lost for ever to his friends and his country.

VIS.

Mr. C. then offered the following resolution, which was read, and unanimously adopted:

Resolved, That the Senate will attend the funeral of the honorable WARREN R. DAVIS, late a member of the House of Representatives from the State of South Carolina, at the hour of 12 o'clock to-morrow, and, as a testimony of respect for the memory of the deceased, they will go into mourning by wearing crape round the left arm for thirty days.

On motion of Mr. PRESTON, as a further mark of respect to the memory of the deceased, The Senate then adjourned.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 30.

The Senate met at the usual hour, and the Clerk having made some progress in reading over the journal of yesterday,

Mr. WEBSTER rose and said he hoped the reading of the journal would be dispensed with, and that some gentleman would make a motion as to when they should meet again.

SENATE.]

Senate Printing.

Mr. POINDEXTER then moved that, when the Senate adjourn, it do so to meet again at two o'clock to-day, when any Senator might submit a motion to adjourn over to Monday.

Mr. WEBSTER said that was not the usual course. Mr. MANGUM moved that, when the Senate adjourn, it adjourn to meet again on Monday.

Mr. POINDEXTER thought that they had arrived at the period of the session when they ought to begin to do the business before them. There were many bills from the House of Representatives, as well as many of a less important character originating here, and now on the table, not acted upon. The practice of adjourning over from Friday to Monday was usually continued for the greater part of the session, and he thought it was now time to begin to sit on Saturday. For himself, he was in favor of meeting to-morrow.

Mr. WRIGHT preferred Monday.

Mr. SILSBEE said that the committee of which he was a member had a great deal of business before it that occupied their close attention night and day. If they were allowed to-morrow to despatch some of it, they might be able to report at an early day. For the reaBon which he had given, he hoped the Senate would adjourn over to Monday.

On motion of Mr. LEIGH,

The Senate adjourned accordingly over to Monday

next.

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 2.

Mr. CALHOUN rose and requested the Secretary to read the paragraph from a newspaper which he sent to the table. The Secretary then read from the Globe of Saturday the following paragraph:

[FEB. 2, 1835.

the present, in which the Executive was personally con-
cerned, it was not an unfair presumption, to conclude
that it had had his sanction, had been authorized by him.
To pass over the personal insinuations, which, as he had
observed, were unworthy of notice, he (Mr. C.) would
say a few words on the new political principle set forth
in the paragraph. It was impossible to read the article,
and not see that it went on the ground, that whosoever
condemns what he believes conscientiously to be the
abuses and corruptions of this Government, was to be
held up in the light of an instigator of assassination; and,
that no uncertainty on this point might be left on the
mind of the reader, the article referred to a particular
transaction in which he (Mr. C.) was personally con-
cerned. He would not condescend to defend himself
in relation to the matters contained in the paragraph
that had been read; they needed no defence. What
were the facts? The Senate were in debate on the Post
Office reports. The Post Office, it was acknowledged
on all hands, stood convicted of enormous abuses, not
to say corruptions. He had risen, in his place, to com-
ment generally on the abuses thus exhibited; he had
He spoke of
made no personal allusions whatsoever.
the corruptions of the times, and of them mainly; though
this he did say, that the evil was not so much to be at-
tributed to any defect in the working of the machinery
as in the administration itself. Yet these general de-
nunciations, in these broad terms, are asserted by the
Government official here, as warranting an individual to
Could he have
make this attempt at assassination.
wantonly said that which would have authorized assas-
sination, he would be little better than an assassin.
What! to hold up abuses to instigate assassination! To
what was the authority of this body reduced, or attempt-
ed to be reduced? According to the new doctrines,
the Senate was to look silently on when these corrup-
tions and abuses were passing beneath their eyes, be-
cause, forsooth, they might ultimately be called on to
express their opinions in their judicial character.

"Whether Lawrence has caught, in his visits to the Capitol, the mania which has prevailed during the two last sessions in the Senate; whether he has become infatuated with the chimeras which have troubled the brains of the disappointed and ambitious orators who This body, then, dare not express opinions, and, if have depicted the President as a Cæsar who ought to they do express them, they may be called on to expunge have a Brutus as a Cromwell-a Nero--a Tiberius-we their recorded sentiments from the journal of the Senate. know not. If no secret conspiracy has prompted the Then, what next? No individual Senator is to be perperpetration of the horrid deed, we think it not improb-mitted to express any opinion as to a particular individuable that some delusion of intellect has grown out of his al, lest he be held up to the world as the instigator of visits to the Capitol; and that, hearing despotism and assassination! General denunciations of misconduct, every horrible mischief threatened to the Republic, corruptions or abuses, were to be held up as indicating and revolution and all its train of calamities imputed as assassination! Could they mistake the tendency of this? the necessary consequence of the President's measures, Did they not see, clearly as the light of heaven, the it may be that the infatuated man fancied he had reamarch to irresponsible power? Did it not confirm what sons to become his country's avenger. If he had heard he (Mr. C.) observed but the other day, that a stage and believed Mr. CALHOUN's speech the day before had been reached in our political affairs that must result yesterday, he would have found in it ample justification in reformation or revolution? He saw around him, in of his attempt on one who was represented as the the ranks of the administration, many old friends and cause of the most dreadful calamities to the nation, as acquaintances, whose patriotism and whose attachment one who made perfect rottenness and corruption to to the institutions of their country could not be mispervade the vitals of the Government, insomuch that it taken. He asked them to look, to see what we are was scarcely worth preserving, if it were possible." come to, to see what was the melancholy result of this state of things. The degradation of parties, and the consequent growth of an irresponsible power. He understood the crisis to which the country had arrived. He knew the danger to be incurred by exposing abuses existing in the executive branch of the Government. He asked no favors-he was no candidate. He desired no office. He would say, as an honest, conscientious man, who loved the institutions of his country, that he would do his duty in spite of menace, come from what quarter it would, or in spite of fate.

Mr. CALHOUN rose to make a few remarks, not so much in reference to himself, for that was of little importance, as on the political bearing of the paragraph from the official Government paper, which had just been read to the Senate. There were some things, which, taken in themselves, were of so little importance as not to be entitled to notice, but which, standing in connexion with other matters, were frequently of great importance, and demanded attention. Whatever might be the character of the paper (the Globe) from which the paragraph just read had been taken; however low, however degraded its character might be, it was yet known to be the organ of the executive will; and that it was sustained, pampered by, and dependent upon, that branch of the Government; and in commenting on a paragraph like

SENATE PRINTING.

Mr. BENTON submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate inquire into the state of the printing ordered to be done by the

FEB. 3, 1835.]

Post Office-Purchase of Paintings--Joint Resolution as to Public Printer.

Senate during the last and present session, and report at what time each piece of printing will be completed and delivered.

He

Mr. BENTON said that this motion was based on the authority of the law of 1819, which reserved to both Houses of Congress the power of getting their printing done, when it fell into arrears, by any person whom their Secretary or Chief Clerk chose to employ. presumed that every Senator knew that the printing of the Senate had been so enormously in arrear, that much of what had been ordered to be executed during the last session had not reached their hands until they were, perhaps, on the point of leaving home again for Washington. He believed there was one book consisting of eight or nine hundred pages, and another of seven or eight hundred, which had been ordered to be printed, and they were now coming in at a time when it was impossible to make use of their contents. He would not at present ask the application of that reserved power, but merely that the Secretary of the Senate would lay before them his report relative to the amount of printing which had been ordered, and the time when it was to be completed.

The resolution was then considered and adopted.
POST OFFICE.

The resolution offered by Mr. SMITH declaratory of the sense of the Senate on the subject of the administration of the General Post Office Department, was taken up; when

Mr. CLAYTON moved that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business. He withdrew his motion, and

The resolution was postponed until to-morrow, and made the special order for that day.

Mr. GRUNDY then offered sundry amendments to the bill reported by the majority of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, which had been prepared by the minority of the committee, and which it was intended to propose when the bill should be taken up.

On motion of Mr. GRUNDY, these amendments were ordered to be printed.

On motion of Mr. CLAYTON, the Senate then proceeded to the consideration of executive business; and, when the doors were reopened,

The Senate adjourned.

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 3.

PURCHASE OF PAINTINGS.

Mr. PRESTON rose, agreeably to a notice which he had given yesterday, to offer a resolution concerning the purchase of certain paintings at present in this city. A Senator, not now in his seat, [Mr. WAGGAMAN,] had, a short time since, submitted this proposition to the Senate in a different form. It was referred to the Committee on the Library; but, in consequence of the pressure of other business on the members of that committee, no report had as yet been made. On reflection, he (Mr. P.) had come to the conclusion that the mode he was now about to adopt was the preferable one. He was very desirous that the American public should not lose the advantage of having these paintings in their possession. He had satisfied himself that they might be arranged very tastefully in the President's house; and that house stood much in need of ornaments of this character. When the Senate reflected on the liberality with which Congress had appropriated money for the purchase of furniture for this mansion, and that ornaments, such as he now proposed to obtain, were annually increasing in their value, and were those rare specimens of genius which would be looked to as models of imitation, he hoped that the Senate would concur with him in the propriety of making the purchase. It suggested itself to his mind

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[SENATE.

Not

that the Senate were perfectly authorized to adorn the President's house with specimens of the fine arts. withstanding so much had been expended in the adorning of the rooms, there had been no additions of productions of this character. It occurred to him that such additions might be made fairly, with the sanction even of those who were generally the most squeamish in their construction of constitutional power, and he was one of these.

He moved the more readily in this matter, because no suspicion could attach to him of a motive connected with considerations of personal character. He had not been in the President's house during the last twenty years; and as it was probable that he should not go into it for twenty years to come, he might never have the opportunity of seeing the pictures there. He hoped that the same liberality would be exhibited in the purchase of these paintings which had been exhibited, on all former occasions, in furnishing the house.

He then moved a resolution on the subject; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

The amendments of the House to the bill making an appropriation for presenting a gold medal to Col. George Croghan, and swords to the officers who served under him at the defence of Fort Sandusky, during the late war, were concurred in; and a further verbal amendment having been made, on motion of Mr. PRESTON, the bill was sent to the House of Representatives for concur

rence.

The following bills from the House were severally read the first and second times, by unanimous consent, and referred:

The bill making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of the Government for the year 1835;

The bill for the relief of Thomas Bulfinch;

made in honor of the battle of the Cowpens; and The joint resolution authorizing a gold medal to be

The bill to amend the act authorizing the construction of a bridge over the Potomac.

The resolution offered some time since, directing that the new Senators be supplied with copies of Gales & Seaton's Register of Debates, being taken up for consideration, on the question of its second reading,

Mr. HILL said that, in every case in which the purchase of books was involved, he should hope that there would be an explanation. He moved that this resolution be made the special order for Tuesday next.

Mr. KING, of Georgia, suggested the propriety of laying the resolution, for the present, on the table, until the Secretary should have had an opportunity to make out the list of the sums expended in the purchase of books and printing, which was ordered by a resolution of the Senate last week. This call had been made for the purpose of obtaining information as to the amount of past expenditures on these objects, and it was essential that the Senate should be in possession of this information before there was any decision as to the propriety of adopting this resolution. He expected it would be found by this report that the extravagance of the Senate in the purchase and printing of books was equal to that of the Post Office, in its more enlarged sphere, in its expenditures. While they were charging, and, in his opinion, finding, the grossest mismanagement of the concerns of that Department, they ought to be careful that nothing took place in the Senate which would cause a similar imputation to be cast on that body.

He moved to lay the resolution, for the present, on the table; and the motion was agreed to without opposition.

JOINT RESOLUTION AS TO PUBLIC PRINTER. The joint resolution to repeal the joint resolution of

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