H. OF R.] Military Establishment. (JANUARY, 1793. If public officers have misapplied the public money, the constitution pointed out a mode to punish them. The Government belongs to the people, the officers are their servants, we are their Representatives, and we ought to do them justice. He conceived it was praiseworthy in any member to afford any aid or information in his power to bring these things to light; that he felt it his duty to make strict inquiry into the expenditure of public money; that he was sent by his constituents to protect their property, and in doing that should vote against the present proposition. the Federal system, from a hope that we should | imagined they were in perfect alliance with the be protected: some of them at this moment, Indians, the Yamasses, Creeks, and Cherokees, have never been able to return to their habita- those Indians, by their instigation, massacred tions, which they left at the commencement of one hundred and thirty of their inhabitants, the war; and I am warranted in saying that a and drove the rest into Charleston. The inpart of my constituents are now throughout the habitants of the capital of Georgia are as much State under arms. Let members for a moment exposed as the Carolinians then were; a distance place their constituents in the situation of of twenty miles from Savannah, places them in mine, and let me ask them if they would not an open, uninhabited country, to the Creek demand the protecting arm of Government? nation, and within that twenty miles, thinly As yet we have experienced little more than inhabited on account of the nature of their the enforcing a treaty, that has not been com- cultivation. What had happened, he said, might plied with on the part of the British, which has happen again: the Spaniards had not changed reduced some of our first citizens to a state of their policy. If, therefore, we are forewarned, dependence on those who not long ago were ought we not to be forearmed? That, from their avowed and open enemies, and a depriva- their dangerous situation, even on a peace estion of our territorial right, for the yielding of tablishment, there ought to be at least five which a permanent peace and permanent line hundred troops on that frontier. were to be established. Of the peace we have experienced no great share, and as for the permanent line, it still remains to be run, and, from well-grounded information, the half-way conduct of the Creeks the other day with Mr. Seagrove, gives very little reason to expect it. Such was the situation of his State. But to the point: he was of opinion that we set out wrong in warring with the Indians at any rate. Unfortunately for us, the event has not answered the design, and we are now reduced to that state that hardly any change can mend. The unaccountable success of the Indians has so elated them with their prowess,-and which likewise has presented views to the English and Spanish they never dreamed of; and the federated situation of the different tribes occasioned him not to hesitate in pronouncing that the several frontier States would be more or less exposed to the cruel ravages of a savage warfare. If the customs of savage tribes did not direct them towards us, they were incessantly excited by the British and Spaniards to amuse us with false pretences of peace, while they were engrossing the advantages of their trade. The aged Indians kept to their hunting, and the young men were gratified in the military exploits with the blood of our fellow-citizens. In this situation the frontier of the United States, a distance of not less than fifteen hundred miles, must be garrisoned. He left it to gentle-back than that of the present Government; it men to calculate what force would be required for that purpose, if troops should be employed in no other way. Militia, he said, were for sudden invasion; they were scattered when they returned, and must be protected while at home. The jealousy of the English, and their augmenting their force, surely ought not to occasion the reduction of any part of ours; if any thing, it ought to have a contrary effect. He likewise said that it would be necessary to view the early history of our country, and find what had been the conduct of Spaniards and Indians about the commencement of the present century. The Spaniards, at the same spot where they now are, by their treachery, when they were at peace with the English, at a time when the Carolinians little suspected, when they Mr. FINDLAY observed that a difference of opinion existed in respect to the motion for reducing the army. The mover was for filling up the blank with two regiments; but Mr. CLARK had proposed three, and was against discharging any of those already enlisted. The principle of the motion was what he wished to speak to. Passing by the comparative view, so much alluded to in the course of the debate, of militia and regulars, he struck at once into the heart of the question. The redemption of the public debt, from the savings to be made by the reduction of the army, seemed to be a principal object with some members, but in his opinion, it was no more than a secondary one: the defence of the frontier is of superior concern. The origin of the war goes much farther arose out of the war with Britain; and it has been ever since changing for the worse, until it has at length assumed a very alarming complexion; for it has united a greater number of tribes than has ever been known, and it has exposed a much greater extent of our frontier. With regard to the mismanagement or abuses, if any there were, it was no place to discuss such subjects by desultory debating in this House, whilst there were other modes open. He did not, however, believe that any material abuses had taken place indeed. This war is not one of the faults chargeable to the Executive, for it might. with more justice, perhaps, be said to have had its origin in the ineffectual measures of the Legislature. The first Congress assembled under the present Government found the Union in a state of war; and although one regiment was stationed at Pittsburg, yet the militia were not relieved from actual service. But the lately raised troops may perhaps be found more effectual, as it is said there is an excellent system of discipline established amongst them. With regard to the argument that the Union cannot support so heavy an expense by new taxes, he was of opinion that every consideration ought to give way to the safety and protection of the country. A particular plan is set into operation for accomplishing a peace, and it ought not to be arrested without a trial being made. The illdefined law authorizing the PRESIDENT to call out the militia, and the levies under General Harmar, did not answer the end intended, for the time of their enlistment had nearly expired ere they had reached their destination; but if General Harmar had carried out two regiments of permanent troops, he could, without the assistance of the militia, have destroyed all the Indian towns and villages that stood in his way, and he would have completed the object of erecting a line of posts which would secure a lasting peace; but from the weakness of the force and the inefficacy of the law, the purpose was arrested at a critical moment, and the vengeance of the Indians roused to the utmost pitch; instead of their fears being alarmed, the next step of raising another regiment was of a piece with the former weak policy; for the encouragement was insufficient, and the miserable two-dollar men who were raised for a six months' service -their fate is too well known, and will be long remembered. They arrived at the wilderness with clothing that lasted only to the time they reached the scene of action, and those who were not cut off by the enemy were left to starve with cold in the most inclement season. The fatal catastrophe of this campaign has only served to elate the Indians, and render them insolent, as appears from their treatment of our messengers under flags of truce. The parsimony on those occasions has been the cause of a double expense. [H. OF R. the means before the end is accomplished. The other branch of the Legislature has prevented us from giving higher wages to encourage the recruiting service; but notwithstanding all this, it appears to go on with considerable success. Here he mentioned something of the confidential communications which he was not now at liberty to explain. The gentleman who says that two regiments are sufficient to garrison the forts, ought to consider that garrisoning those is not the only object in contemplation. If we expect to exist as a nation we must protect the whole frontier, and make it the interest of the Indians to be at peace with us. But do gentlemen consider the consequences of throwing all internal defence and distant expeditions upon the militia? Is it not enough that they already stand as a picket guard to their brethren who live at ease; that they eat their bread in the fear of their lives, and are frequently embittered with the view of mournful incidents; but that we must lay a deliberate plan for increasing the number of their fatherless children and childless parents? To say that those States who have frontiers, ought to be left to protect themselves, is a very anti-Federal sentiment, which he was sorry to hear advanced in that House. Neither is it generous to say we will pay the expense, and let them fight for us. Do gentlemen contemplate to what issue these principles would lead? Do they not observe that the fate of the Government is deeply involved in the decision? Perhaps I may be asked, Did not the States depend chiefly upon their own exertion for the defence of the frontiers under the old Congress? Yes, they did, and were better protected than since that period. But let it be recollected that at the time the States had the command of their own resources, and the laying and executing their own plans, that the Indians were not so formidably combined. But that since the States had not the power of retaliating, nor the means of gratifying with presents; since the Indians have been solemnly told to look away from the little fires of the States, to the great fire of the Union, they have looked upon us as a more formidable and dangerous foe, and made their arrangements accordingly; and European nations, and emissaries among them, have improved upon the circumstance, and excited and aided them in their union and exertions. In opposition to this it may be said that those parsimonious plans were recommended by the Executive, and only enacted into laws by the Legislature. This, however, if it were the fact, is no apology for the Legislature, for they have no right to cast their Legislative responsibility upon the Executive Department; nor can He made some further remarks on the imthey do it without a breach of trust towards policy of oppressing the militia at Marietta, &c., their constituents. The members knew that and asked if it were possible that those unforthe encouragement of pay and time of enlist-tunate few could be able to protect the whole ments would never answer any good purpose; the want of resources could have been no reason for that parsimony toward the defence of the frontiers, because it is known that we found revenue enough not only to pay the interest of the public debt, and to support the Government, but even to pay the debts of the individual States. The conviction of these mistakes induced Congress at last to make adequate provision, and now an attempt is made to withdraw frontier against the united force of the Indians? He agreed with those who said that the sense of the people of America was in favor of peace; but the question is come to this. It is not to begin a war that we have raised this army, but to procure a peace, and so soon as this end is attained, the army will be discharged. It is raised to protect, not to oppress, or to aid in governing our citizens. I know, said he, that standing armies have always been sources of oppression and aids of tyranny. Our people may long be governed without such aids; their situation will not admit of abuses from standing armies, nor would the citizens submit to them. (JANUARY, 1793. claims to Invalid Pensions; and, after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported progress. SATURDAY, January 5. He was confident that the army would be discharged by the next Legislature, as soon as a A petition of the inhabitants of the city of prospect of our affairs will admit it. The pres-Hudson, in the State of New York, was preent prospects were not of a very flattering na-sented to the House and read, stating the inture, and therefore it was good policy to keep conveniences under which they labor, from up the force at the present crisis; and it would being obliged to register, enter, and clear their be dangerous to repeal the law under the cir- vessels at the port of New York, and praying that the said city of Hudson may be made a port of entry. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, with instruction to examine the same, and report his opinion thereupon to the House. cumstances. The present Indian war is essentially different from any former one. When Britain and France divided North America betwixt them, if the emissaries of both excited the Indians to war, the power of both afforded protection. When Britain became possessed of the Western posts, and many tribes of Indians commenced a war, the British Government conducted the war, carried it into the Indian country, and by the dread of their arms procured peace; but the Indians were not then supported by other powers. In the present war, the Indians, who at that time knew nothing of us, have combined to make it a common cause; and no superior powers interest themselves in our favor. No: they conceive our interest to be inimical to theirs. But if they did not receive encouragement, protection, and supplies from our superior neighbors, a peace would soon be procured. The gentlemen who support this resolution know well how that matter stands, and they know explanations here are not convenient. He concluded by declaring that he could not vote for the motion. The committee now rose, and had leave to sit again. FRIDAY, January 4. An engrossed bill to make compensation to the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed by Indians, under the sanction of flags of truce, was read the third time and passed. The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War, accompanying the copy of a message of Cornplanter and New Arrow to Major General Wayne, dated the 8th of December last, relative to the measures which they have taken to conclude a peace, on behalf of the United States, with certain tribes of hostile Indians; which were read and ordered to lie on the table. Military Establishment. The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the motion of the 28th ultimo, for reducing the military establishment of the United States. Mr. MOORE said, that there was not sufficient information before the House respecting the prospect of a peace, to warrant a sudden reduction of the army. He referred to the abuses which had been hinted at in some of the branches dependent on the War Establishment, but he did not believe there had been any worth much notice. He also mentioned the abstruse SAMUEL STERRETT, from Maryland, appeared, and took his seat in the House. The House proceeded to consider the amend-ness of attempting an investigation into the ments reported yesterday by the Committee of the whole House to the bill to make compensation to the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed by Indians, under the sanction of flags of truce; and the same being read, some were agreed to and others disagreed to. And then the said bill, being further amended at the Clerk's table, was, together with the amendments, ordered to be engrossed and read the third time to-morrow. origin of the war-whether the frontier settlers, or the Indians, were in fault, was a difficult thing to determine; but from many circumstances, it appeared to him, the white people were often guilty of committing depredations. This was, in his opinion, a good reason why the protec tion of those frontiers should not be intrusted to the militia that would be raised there. Shall we intrust the conduct of that matter to the very persons who it has been alleged are often the aggressors? Can the President, at the distance he is situated from the Western territory, check all the irregular proceedings that might The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing lists of the persons employed in the several offices of his Department, with the salary allow-happen amongst such a militia? There were ed to each; also, a letter accompanying certain statements relative to foreign loans, which have | been made by the United States, under the authority of the President, pursuant to the resolutions of this House of the 24th and 27th ultimo; which were read and ordered to lie on the table. The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the bill to regulate the two obvious reasons for passing the law of the 5th of March, 1792, for the protection of the frontiers by regular forces. First, it could not be expected that militia would always prove successful against the Indians, because the latter are gaining more experience every day in the mode of warfare, and there can be no dependence on a treaty between those militia and the JANUARY, 1793.] Military Establishment. [H. OF R. Indians. The second reason was, that the Pres- | the public finances, and it is now incumbent on ident was strongly impressed with the neces- the House of Representatives to check this sity of establishing the greatest degree of har- growing mischief. mony between the United States and the Indians, Mr. S. then adverted to the effects of standing by encouraging and protecting a trade with armies on the morals and political sentiments of them, and that this could be easiest and best the people, wherever they had been employed; effected by establishing a line of forts along the of the expensiveness of all such establishments, frontiers, to be garrisoned by regular troops. and of the wicked purposes to which they had Mr. M. next mentioned something of the man- been, and might be subservient. He said he ners and customs of the Indians, whose practice had prepared himself to have spoken largely to it is to spend most of their time on their hunt- this point, and to have quoted the pernicious ing grounds, leaving their old men, women, and effects of such a policy in other nations; but the children, in their towns. They have no regular debate having been already lengthy, and the complan of government, and can only be attached mittee probably fatigued, it would be sufficient by influencing some of their chiefs. The sys- for his present purpose, for the members to make tem of harassing them by burning and destroy- their own reflections, and to mark the rapid ing their towns at the time they are employed progress of the army from 1789 to 1792, both in hunting, has come recommended to us by ex- in numbers and expenses. Instances from forperience, and regular troops are the best to be eign history are superfluous, when our own afemployed in this service. Their present inex-fords such ample testimony. The establishment perience will soon be done away by a proper began with one regiment: it is now five. The mode of discipline, and why may not these House was called on in 1789 to appropriate a troops be soon instructed? Are they not as little more than $100,000 for that Department; capable of receiving instructions as militia, and in the present year, above $1,000,000 is demay we not expect more subordination amongst manded. The reason of this extraordinary them, than could possibly be established over additional expenditure, this unexpected increase militia? He concluded by declaring himself of the army, if not enveloped in darkness, has against the motion. been founded on policy hitherto not satisfactorily explained. He said, however lightly he was disposed to touch this part of the subject, he could not avoid reminding the committee of the memorable sentiments of 1776, in regard to standing armies; of the universal abhorrence of the Americans to them at that time; and, to illustrate it more clearly, he read the expressions of some of the States in their Bills of Right. These were the sentiments of the Whigs of 1776, and to such Whigs he wished to appeal on this occasion. He also reminded the committee of the recent debates of 1788, of the amendments proposed in several of the State Conventions; of the unanimity which prevailed among all ranks of people on this particular point; and it is now to be lamented, said he, that while the ink which recorded these objections to the constitution is yet drying, the evil then predict [Here the SPEAKER informed the Chair that he had received a confidential message from the PRESIDENT. The committee then rose, and the galleries were closed for some time.] The House having gone into Committee, the debate was renewed by Mr. WILLIAMSON, Mr. MADISON, and Mr. STEELE. Mr. STEELE rose after Mr. MADISON, and said he was perfectly in sentiment with that gentleman, in regard to the propriety of inserting an amendment to the motion, which might secure a sufficient appropriation to carry on offensive operations against the hostile Indians, by the militia of the frontiers; and if an alteration was proposed to that effect, he would second it. The attention of the House to this question speaks its importance; it is probable one more important will not occur during the present session. On its decision are suspended the hopesed has taken place. and fears of the people of this country, their hopes of a speedy and honorable peace, and their fears of a standing army, with its usual retinue of political evils. The present is regarded as an interesting epoch in the affairs of the United States; and it has been perceived, with serious regret, that while our national character is forming, (he hoped it was not yet formed,) it seems to partake, in some respects, more of the unnatural spirit of monarchy, than of the mild and conciliatory temper of a republic. The principle of keeping up standing armies, though highly obnoxious to the great body of the people, has not been equally so to the Government; they have been maintained and increased without affording protection, or even defence to the frontiers. The supplies necessary to support the establishment begin to discover an alarming derangement of If there is a subject on which much deliberation is unnecessary, in order to form a right opinion, it would be in regard to military establishments. The feelings of a free people revolt at their continuance, and every man who reads or thinks, can point out their dangers. He said he felt more anxiety for the fate of this motion, than commonly marks his conduct, because this is the last session that will ever afford him an opportunity to trouble the House with his sentiments on this or any other subject. The motion was brought forward to discharge a duty which he owed to his constituents, to satisfy his own conscience, and to afford that protec tion to the frontiers which they deserved, and to save the public money. If an uncommon degree of zeal was discovered in supporting the motion, it ought to be attributed to these, and no other motives. H. OF R.] Military Establishment. [JANUARY, 1793. as the plan of the House, and then argued on the necessity of stability in our measures. It is not very material to the present question whose plan it is; being a public measure, we are justified in offering our objections to it; and this is the first time that I have heard it publicly asserted that a Government should persevere in an error, because they had undertaken it. If the plan be a good one, it may be supported by reason; if a bad one, no name ought to be call The question will now scon be taken; if adopted, I shall be among those who rejoice; if rejected, among those who have always submitted with a proper degree of decency to the decision of the majority. But in any event, the public will know that we have asserted the sense of the people against standing armies; that we are anxious to defend the frontiers against their enemies; that we have recommended a system of economy and efficiency, instead of profusion and delay; that we have re-ed in to prop it up. commended a system calculated to produce victory and peace, instead of disgrace and war; and that we wish to rescue the Government from the intoxication of the times, and all the apery of military establishments. He said he had been attentive to the arguments of the opposition, and they led principally to four points. If neither of these positions be found tenable, the motion will certainly succeed; and that they are not fenable, is believed and will be shown. The inconsistency of that gentleman's (Mr. WADSWORTH's) arguments not only supports the motion before the committee, but shows the wretched shifts which have been used to defeat it. It has been said, in the course of the debate, that individual members, and even this House, are incompetent to decide upon the efficacy or inefficacy of military plans. In answer to this it may be said, that if we are not all Generals, we are all members, and that we have the priv1st. It has been boldly asserted that the ilege of thinking for ourselves and for our conPRESIDENT is the author of the existing sys-stituents. To admit this doctrine in the latitude tem. 2dly. They call in question the sincerity of our declarations in wishing to afford effectual protection to the frontiers. 3dly. They deny the competency of the militia. 4thly. The impolicy of reducing the establishment, when a treaty is expected. which has been expressed, would be to introduce military ideas indeed; it would be to make soldiers of us, instead of Legislators: nay, worse than that, it would be to revive the exploded doctrines of passive obedience and nonresistance. In regard to the sincerity of his intentions to afford effectual protection to the frontiers, Mr. In regard to the first, we deny that the PRES-S. said that he had been sufficiently explicit; IDENT is the author of this plan of prosecuting the war. Not having avowed explicitly himself that he is so, no document appearing to confirm that opinion, we are justified in attributing a system which appears to us ineffectual to his Secretary, and not to him. It is true, that the Secretary is only a finger of his hand, and the intimate connection which must of necessity subsist between them, perhaps, is the ground upon which the assertion has been made. The Secretaries are all equally near to the PRESIDENT, and if it be admitted that he is the author of this, he may, with equal propriety, be said to have been the author of every system on general subjects which either of them have recommended. Was he the author of the report on the fisheries? Was he the author of the plan for establishing the National Bank? It is known that he was not, and circumstances might be mentioned (which are withheld from delicacy) to confirm this opinion. Was he the author of the Funding System? Some gentlemen in the opposition to this motion, would not be willing to give the PRESIDENT that credit if he claimed it, and some who support this motion would not only be sorry that the PRESIDENT had even claimed such a credit, but believe that it was in no respect attributable to him. The same gentleman (Mr. WADSWORTH) who first asserted that the PRESIDENT was the author of this military plan, in the same speech admitted it to be the war, as well that a feeling for the sufferers had dictated this motion; that he was sorry that it had been whispered in the ears of some of the members that it was intended to withhold the necessary appropriations, and divert them to other pur poses. If two regiments were insufficient to garrison all the posts necessary for defence, he would even, under certain restrictions, consent to continue the three sub-legions, thereby enabling the PRESIDENT to establish double the number of posts now erected, if he should deem it advisable. Regular troops being incapable of active expeditions against Indians in the wilderness, his wish was to abandon that system and confine them entirely to the garrison. The next objection to the motion is the incompetency of the militia; and to support this opinion the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. WADSWORTH) has made this expression, "that as to the expedition under General St. Clair, the regulars were few, and not to be named when compared with the number of the militia." The truth is, there was not a man engaged that day as a militia man, except the advance guard commanded by Colonel Oldham, which consisted of about three hundred, perhaps a few more. The field return of the day preceding the action being in the War Office, this can be ascertained with precision. The balance of the army on that unfortunate day, had been enlisted as regulars, were fought as regulars, even clothed as regulars, and, poor fellows, |