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HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Monday, March 15, 1852. MINUTES.] NEW MEMBERS SWORN.-For Buckingham County, Rt. Hon. Benjamin Disraeli; for Chichester, Rt. Hon. Lord Henry George Charles Gordon Lennox; for Dublin University, Joseph Napier, Esq.; for Enniskillen, James Whiteside, Esq.; for Lincoln County (Parts of Lindsey), Rt. Hon. Robert Adam Christopher; for Lincoln County (Parts of Kesteven and Holland), Rt. Hon. Sir John Trollope, Bart. NEW WRITS.-For Dungannon, v. Hon. William Stuart Knox, Groom in Waiting; Coleraine, v. John Boyd, Esq., Chiltern Hundreds. PUBLIC BILLS.-2° Burghs (Scotland); Charitable Trusts; Copyright Amendment.

LONDON CORPORATION BILL.

Order for Second Reading read. SIR JAMES DUKE moved the Second Reading of this Bill.

MR. HUME said, he could not but express his surprise that a measure of such importance to the public should have been introduced as a Private Bill. He did not mean to say one word in disparagement of the measure, for, if he were correctly informed, its operation would be to greatly enlarge the municipal franchise in the City of London, and to relieve the inhabitants of taxation, to which they were now annually subject to the amount of 6,000l. a year; but he objected to the principle of introducing a Bill of such a character as a pri

vate measure.

MR. W. WILLIAMS said, he took the same view. The Bill was, no doubt, a salutary measure, and not undeserving the support of the House; but it was to be wished that it had been introduced as a public, rather than as a private Bill.

SIR JAMES DUKE said, that the Bill had been introduced on petition, and by the Corporation itself; the Standing Orders of the House required that it should be treated as a Private Bill. The Corporation of London had come forward spontaneously to reform itself, and it ill became any one in that House who called himself a Reformer to impede or discourage such a proceeding. The Bill proposed to increase the number of municipal voters from 6,000 or 7,000 to something like 20,000, conceding to every man who had any thing resembling a rating in the City of London the right of voting for all ward officers, as well as for the chief magistrate, the sheriffs, and the chamberlain. It also proposed to curtail the period for polling at municipal elections from fourteen days to one day, and to abolish the obligation on a man proposing

to enter into trade in the City of London to take out his freedom. Another important provision of the Bill was that whereby all fines and fees on public vehicles passing through the City were abolished. By this abolition, the Corporation would surrender a revenue of 6,000l. a year, to which they were at present legally entitled. He hoped the House would not hesitate to sanction the principle of such a measure. It would be easy to remedy all minor objections in Committee.

MR. ROEBUCK said, he approved of the Bill, judging of it by the statement of the hon. Baronet who had last spoke; but he concurred in the opinion that it ought to have been introduced as a public measure. If such a Bill were to be treated as "private," he should beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman in the chair, how a public Bill was to be distinguished from a private one?

MR. SPEAKER said, that it could not be questioned that the Bill was, according to the Standing Orders, a Private Bill, inasmuch as it was brought forward by a corporate body; but the House did not lose its authority over it on that account. The Bill would be referred to a Select Committee, and when that Committee had sent down their Report, it would be competent for any Member to propose that the Report be referred to the consideration of a Committee of the whole House.

SIR DE LACY EVANS thought it was of importance that a sound discrimination should be exercised in the selection of the Members to serve on the Committee which was to take such an important Bill into consideration. Bill read 2°.

SUGAR DUTIES.

MR. J. WILSON, in pursuance of a notice, begged to ask the right hon. Se cretary for the Colonies what course he intended to pursue in relation to his notice upon the subject of the Sugar Duties, now standing on the paper as a dropped notice? Great anxiety had been occasioned out of doors on this subject, and it would be very desirable to have a full explanation as to the course which the Government intended taking.

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON: Sir, I will in a very few words answer the question which has been put to me by the hon. Gen tleman relating to the Motion now standing on the paper in my name as a dropped notice. Sir, I felt it to be my duty, as

Member of the Opposition, to press upon Her Majesty's Ministers what I believed to be the disastrous effects of their own acts. I refer to the Act of 1846, modified by the subsequent Act of 1848, regulating the duties on Sugar. Sir, as a Member of Her Majesty's present Government, which is in an acknowledged minority in this House, I conceive it to be no less my duty to take whatever course I may think best for the promotion of the object we have in view; and we do not think that it would tend to the relief of West Indian distress if we were, during the present Session, to press forward views and plans against which there are recorded majorities on several occasions during the present Parliament. Sir, we further think that there is nothing in the question of the Sugar Duties sufficiently special or sufficiently exceptional to justify us in making it an exception to that intention on the part of Her Majesty's Government, which has been announced in another place by my noble Friend the Prime Minister, that intention being not unnecessarily to press upon Parliament during the present Session those controverted questions of policy which we think it best to reserve for the judgment of an other Parliament. Sir, for these reasons it is not my intention to bring forward during the present Session the Motion to which the hon. Member for Westbury has alluded. But, Sir, I must beg leave to add one word more. The opinions which I have repeatedly expressed in this House upon the Acts of Parliament regulating the duties on Sugar, whether in relation to their effects upon the British Colonies, or in relation to their effects on the great question of slavery and the Slave Trade, have undergone no change whatever. On the contrary, I am now receiving, almost daily, the most painful proofs of the distress which has existed in the British Colonies; but, without being at all indifferent to that distress, we have determined that those questions, like others of the same nature, ought to be kept for the consideration of a future Parliament, reserving distinctly to ourselves the right hereafter to deal with this question, if we shall be in a position so to do-to deal with this question in such a manner as we shall consider to be required by the justice of the case, and by a due regard to the interests of all classes of Her Majesty's subjects.

MR. J. WILSON might then understand that it was the intention of the Govern'ment not to interfere in any way with the

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THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. MR. ADDERLEY begged to ask the right hon. Secretary for the Colonies whether any instructions would be sent by the mail going out to the Cape of Good Hope on Tuesday, the 16th, to General Cathcart, to suspend or alter the instructions given him by Earl Grey to lay down a scheme of future policy for this country to undertake as to the defence of the frontier of that colony? As the Bosphorus had arrived since he had given notice of this question, perhaps the right hon. Gentleman would state, in his reply, whether he had received petitions from the Cape to Her Majesty, praying that the Queen would refuse her Royal assent to the ordinances passed by the Legislative Council of that Colony by way of delaying the application of the constitution.

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON: I have not thought it my duty so immediately to send instructions to General Cathcart either to suspend or to alter the instructions sent by Earl Grey, to which my hon. Friend has adverted. But I can assure him that the present condition of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, and the future government of the colony, will be the subject of the earliest and most anxious consideration on the part of the Government. In answer to the latter part of my hon. Friend's question, I have to state that a petition has arrived by the last mail from the municipality of Cape Town, complaining of delay on the part of the Legislative Council of the Cape in passing the constitutional ordinances, and of their devoting their time to passing ordinances of another and less pressing nature. And I have thought it my duty to send out despatches to the Legislative Council advising the necessity of considering the constitutional ordinances as soon as possible, and suggesting that they should reserve questions of legislation of a less urgent nature for the consideration of a future Parliament.

SIR DE LACY EVANS said, that the recent intelligence from the Cape led to a hope that the war was at an end. If so, would the Government give an opportunity to the House to discuss the future territorial boundary of the colony?

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON said, there

was a difficulty in answering what scarcely amounted to a question. When, however, the hon. and gallant Member spoke of the Kaffir war as being concluded, he thought it right to state that the despatches just received, although very gratifying, did not go to the extent described by the hon. and gallant Gentleman. The recent intelligence did not go further than this, that we had achieved a great and gratifying success, and there was reason to hope that at no distant day the war would be brought to an

end.

Subject dropped.

FREE TRADE-THE MINISTERIAL

POLICY.

On the Motion that Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair to go into Committee of Supply,

vernment; but what that Protectionist Government is going to do for the cause of protection is one of those mysteries that may possibly be solved to-night, but which has not yet been disclosed. Now, Sir, if I appear to be forward in this matter, and if I should appear to be urgent on the Government to make some distinct and candid avowal on the subject, I hope my motives may not be mistaken. I assure the present Government that I am animated by no factious motives-by no party object. [Ironical cheers.] Sir, I think I have reason to expect that my motives will not be misinterpreted. I have been for eighteen years in this House, and during that time I have uniformly manifested great solicitude on this subject: as some of my friends well know, I never lost an opportunity, in former times, of promoting inMR. C. P. VILLIERS said: Sir, before quiry and discussion on this matter; and, you leave the chair, I wish, in accordance as the House remembers well, I used anwith an intimation I have given to the nually to submit a Motion to it on the laws right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of restricting the importation of foreign grain. the Exchequer, and for reasons which I I have done everything in my power, with will shortly state, to make some inquiry singleness of purpose, I believe, to aid in with the view of obtaining some infor- promoting the success of the cause of free mation from Her Majesty's Ministers upon a trade, having always believed that it was subject on which I am sure I do not exag- more closely connected with the well-being gerate when I say that it is of vital con- of the people than with any, if not every, cern to every subject of Her Majesty. I other subject beside. It would surely, refer, Sir, to the principle or the policy then, be remarkable if those who dison which the Government propose to re- played their zeal in that cause before any gulate the foreign commerce of this coun- experience of its advantages had been try, and more especially that branch of it acquired, now, when its blessings are which is engaged in the supply of food for appreciated, but when danger and diffithe people. Sir, this is no abstract question culty again hang round the question, should or matter of idle speculation merely, but it remain still. I was only silent when is a subject so intimately connected with all I believed the question to be safe, and the realities of English life, that it affects when I hoped it was settled. But no man the whole social and domestic policy of this can doubt that this subject is again raised country. It affects the finance, the trade, in the country, and that considerable apthe labour, the capital, and the general prehensions and anxiety exist as to the condition of the people. I hope, there- intentions of the Government with respect fore, that this question will be treated by to it. I can assure the House that I have the right hon. Chancellor of the Exche- no single object to gain in embarrassing quer with all the earnestness that it de- Her Majesty's Government; I have no serves. I think that the public want in- purpose whatever to serve in placing them formation on this subject. It would be in any difficult situation with respect to incorrect to say that they have received this matter. I do not regret to see them none; but it would be more true to say that personally in office. I believe they have they would have been less perplexed if as much right as any other Members of they had not received any. What has this House to those seats, if they can been said by the Government themselves, hold them with honour to themselves and or by their friends for the Government, with advantage to the country. Indeed, has created doubts where none might have I would much rather see them there, existed otherwise. For some years past than engaged in the agitation which has there has been a free-trade policy in force; been going on during the last four or five during the last few weeks a Protectionist years-an agitation that I must describe party has been in possession of the Go- as one of the most reckless and incon

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siderate that has ever occurred in this coun- ciples; they have, in short, exhibited an try. I am, moreover, quite alive to the earnestness in their cause which I have claims which every new Ministry has to not observed in any other political party the forbearance of this House with regard in this House. And now I think the right to questions which they have not had time hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exto consider, or upon which they are not in chequer cannot object to tell us how soon a condition to decide. But that is not the and in what way he proposes to fulfil his relation in which hon. Gentlemen opposite promise made two days ago on the husstand with regard to this question. They tings, namely, to establish, now he is in will not be offended if I say that they are power, that policy with which he was idennot known in this House or in the country tified in Opposition? I think, too, I may except in connection with this particular also ask the right hon. Gentleman the measure. They have been distinguished Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster the as a party by the course they have taken way in which he proposes to forward that on the subject. They have steadily main- desire which he says exists in the breast of tained the policy of protecting particular the chief of the Government to reverse a interests by law against competition. They policy which he has described so prejudihave as firmly asserted the failure of cial to the capital of the country, and free trade; while the circumstance, as far ruinous to native industry. The right as I have observed, by which they have hon. Gentleman the Member for Stamford been mainly distinguished, is in the union, (Mr. Herries), also, should not object if perseverance, and determination they have I ask him what course he intends to manifested in endeavouring to possess them- pursue with a view to reverse that objecselves of the government of this country tionable change in the maritime code of with the view to the reversal of the free- the country, which, according to his opintrade policy. This has not been stated ion, has been attended with results far for the first time by me, but has been greater for evil than he had anticipated. stated by some distinguished Members of Most certainly the noble Earl at the head this party themselves, and has been con- of the Government ought not to shrink stantly repeated by those who have resisted from making a bold avowal of his intentheir movements in this House. When tions. If any one man in this country the late Sir Robert Peel used to oppose is responsible for the position of public the Motions of the present Chancellor of affairs at the present moment, it is the the Exchequer, which he was not bound noble Earl at the head of the Government. to do as an independent Member, he did so That noble Earl seems to me to be the because he said that the purpose of the man who has formed the party now in hon. Gentleman was to carry his Motions power, guided their movements, instructed that he might displace the Government, them in their course, and led them at last and Occupy their place, in order to re- to the victory which he had always proverse the commercial legislation of the mised. The noble Earl, indeed, is pecucountry. The right hon. Gentleman him- liarly responsible, because he is one of self (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) those men sometimes observed in this said in one of his addresses that he might country, so circumstanced, and enjoying not be successful on that occasion, but that such advantages and qualifications, that the time would not be far distant when many persons might almost be justified in the then Government would be displaced, following him blindly in the course he and when the principles he advocated prescribes to them. In starting the agitawould be triumphant. I do not intend to tion which has led to the present result, the impute any unworthy object to them in noble Earl was peculiarly situated. He had what they did, but merely mention it to been a Member of the late Sir Robert Peel's show their zeal in seeking to reverse the Government, and had had the advantage of policy of free trade. They have not sought communicating with men of the greatest exoffice for the sake of distinction or position, perience as Ministers and statesmen. but simply and solely with a view of re- was aware of all the circumstances which establishing the policy of protection. They led to the then change of opinion or pohave sought every opportunity; they have been vigilant throughout every Session; they have combined with persons the most opposed to them; they have supported Moions the least connected with their prin

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licy, and was acquainted with those circumstances which led the late Sir Robert Peel to consider that, for the good as well as for the safety of the country, he was bound to renounce that monopoly which

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the landowners had procured by restriction. I only look for the moment when it may ing the importation of foreign corn. But be possible for us to use the memorable words of the Earl of Derby, as I understand, was the and to say, Up, Guards, and at them!"" the Duke of Wellington, on the field of Waterloo, only Cabinet Minister that left Sir Robert Peel on that occasion; and, by leaving that statesman, and associating himself with all the persons who opposed him, the Earl of Derby did practically announce to the public that there was no occasion for the change of policy then made; that it was a concession to cowardice; that there was no reason why the Corn Laws should not continue; and that if men would only follow him, he would lead them to a position in which they might re-establish those laws. A man in the situation of the noble Earl cannot act but with great responsibility. The noble Earl is endowed with intellect of the highest order; he possesses rank, fortune, and experience, which give him peculiar weight and influence; and many who are his followers in this House and in the country almost justify themselves, as I say, in following him blindly. I state this for the purpose of showing that the Earl of Derby, above all men, should be ready to tell us the course he intends to take. In so far as we are allowed to know or to understand the relations existing between him and his party from the public journals, the noble Earl has appeared to be constantly guiding their movements, encouraging their hopes, and leading them to believe that the moment would arrive when he would be able to lead them to victory. He seemed to liken himself to a captain of a band-as an officer addressing his soldiers-telling them to be patient and to persevere, and the day would come when he would give them the signal when they might make their onslaught on their enemy. But, not to misrepresent him, I will read an extract from a speech made by the noble Earl last year, which will show that he was bent on encouraging his followers to persevere, by the hope that the day of triumph would come for them. In May, 1850, the noble Earl (then Lord Stanley) stated, at a public meeting-I do not know for what reason, but if I were to speculate I might suppose it arose from some suspicion, then, of his own fidelity:

"If in any part of the country, if there be but one district in which a suspicion is entertained that I am flinching from or hesitating in my advocacy of those principles on which I stood, in conjunction with my lamented friend Lord George Bentinck, I authorise you, one and all, to assure those whom you represent, that in me they will find no hesitation, no flinching, no change of opin

And it is reported that Lord Stanley concluded with the assurance, "that if they would keep up the pressure without, he would do it from within.' This took place a year ago; and, looking to the disposition of parties in this House and in the country generally, it must be considered that those whom the present Prime Minister encouraged his followers to treat as the Duke of Wellington treated the foes of the country, were the manufacturing, commercial, and industrial interest of the nation. It is therefore not, I think, unreasonable in persons who represent those interests to ask the noble Earl to have the kindness to tell them when he is going to direct his soldiers to be "up and at them," and when we are to expect this onslaught upon all those interests of the country which we cherish as the most important? The noble Earl and the Government ought, then, to be in a condition to give a reply to the question I put to them, and in which the whole of the country is interested in having answered. Considering the professions they have formerly made, they are bound to relieve us from the suspense in which we have been since they have attained power. And now, Sir, I beg for a moment to call the attention of the House to the present condition of the country, which makes it, in my opinion, imperatively necessary that such a reply should be given. Looking at the state of the country as it was at the beginning of the present year, and during the greater part of the last, no person living could point to a period when more of peace, contentment, and confidence prevailed, There was great activity in trade, industry was employed, old causes of strife had ceased, angry politics there were none. The official returns of our navigation and trade disclosed an amount of business during the preceding year wholly unprecedented in the annals of our commerce. There was an expansion in our foreign trade, and an increase in our home trade of enormous amount; the exports of British manufacture, and the imports of articles of general consumption, were greater than the history of this country offers any previous instance of. revenue of the country presented a surplus of nearly 3,000,000l., notwithstanding that we have had to contend with

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