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tion of our external relations were not more a cause of joy than our situation at home. But the obvious meaning of the clause, he conceived, was an indirect approval of our situation relative to external concerns; and to this he could not give his assent, as he did not consider their aspect as prosperous or auspicious.

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was not, he conceived, warranted by the existing state of things. Indeed, he protested, he knew no more of the actual situation of the Treaty negotiation than the remotest farmer in the Union; could he then declare, he asked, that it was drawing to a happy close? Indeed, from the latest information received, far from our situation having been ameliorated by the negotiations of our Executive, he conceived our trade as much in jeopardy as ever.

Mr. BUTLER said, that when the committee was appointed to draft an answer, he hoped they would have used such general terms as to have secured an unanimous vote. He was willing to give the As to the internal prosperity, he owned there Chief Magistrate such an answer as respect to his was some cause for congratulation; but even in station entitled him to, but not such a one as this his conviction could not carry him as far as would do violence to his regard for the Contu- the clauses in the Address seemed to go. In a tion and his duty to his constituents. He could pecuniary point of view, the country had made a not approve of long and detailed answers, how-visible progress; but he saw in it no basis of perever unexceptionable the Speech might be in mat-manent prosperity. There were no circumstances ter, and however respectable the character might attendant on it that gave a fair hope that the be from whom it came. He had hoped, from the perity would be permanent. The chief cause of peculiar situation of the country, and of the Sen- our temporary pecuniary prosperity is the war in ate, that nothing would have been brought for- Europe, which occasions the high prices our proward in the answer, on the subject which agitated duce at present commands; when that is termithe June Executive session, calculated to wound nated, those advantageous prices will of course the feelings of members. He had been disap- fall. pointed; it was evident that some members of the Senate could not give their voice in favor of the Address in its present shape, without involving themselves in the most palpable inconsistency.

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Mr. B. now came to speak of the second objectional clause. He regretted whenever a question was brought forward that involved personality in the most indirect manner. He wished always to speak to subjects unconnected with men; but the wording of the clause was unfortunately such as to render allusion to official character unavoidable. He objected principally to the epithet firm, introduced into the latter clause, as applied to the Supreme Executive. Why firm

He had long since, for his own part, declared himself against every article of the Treaty, because in no instance is it bottomed on reciprocity, the only honorable basis. After this declaration, how could he, or those who coincided in opinion with him, agree to the present Address without involving themselves in the most palpable incon-ness? he asked. To what? or to whom? Is it sistency?

He did not agree with the gentleman of New York in his exposition of the meaning of the clauses objected to. They certainly declare our situation as to our external relations to be favorable. Our situation, as far as it respects Great Britain, he contended, was not in the least ameliorated. Their depredations on our commerce have not been less frequent of late than at any period since the beginning of her war with France. Her orders for the seizure of all our vessels laden with provisions cannot surely be a subject for congratulation. When it became authenticated that our trade was relieved from these embarrassments, then he was confident the members of the Senate, who were with him in sentiment, would readily express their satisfaction at the auspicious prospect opened for this country to the enjoyments of tranquility and happiness. But, until that happy time should arrive, he could not give his voice to deceive the inhabitants of the United States, remote from the sources of information, to hoodwink them by sanctioning with his vote a statement unwarranted by truth, and presenting to them a picture of our public happiness not sanctioned by fact.

The sentence objected to, notwithstanding the explanation of the gentleman from New York, appeared to him so worded as to lead the citizens at large to believe that the spoliations on our commerce were drawing to a fortunate close. This

the manly demand of restitution made of Great Britain for her accumulated injuries that called forth the praise? for his own part he could discern no firmness there. Is it for the undaunted and energetic countenance of the cause of France, in her struggle for freeing herself from despotic shackles? He saw no firmness displayed on that occasion. Where then is it to be found? Was it in the opposition to the minority of the Senate and the general voice of the people against the Treaty that that firmness was displayed? If it is that firmness in opposing the will of the people, which is intended to be extolled, the vote shall never, said Mr. B., leave the walls of the Senate with my approbation.

He could not approve, he said, that firmness. that prompted the Executive to resist the unequivocal voice of his fellow-citizens from New Hampshire to Georgia. He would have applauded the firmness of the PRESIDENT, if, in compliance with the unequivocal wish of the people, he had resisted the voice of the majority on the Treaty, and refused his signature to it.

This was, he understood, (and it should be mentioned in honor of the PRESIDENT,) his first intention; why he changed it, time, he said, must disclose.

He concluded by proposing an amendment to be substituted in lieu of the objectionable clauses, should they be struck out.

Mr. READ said, he was not in the habit of giv

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ing a silent vote, and, as many of his constituents were adverse to the instrument to which he had given his assent, he thought this a fit opportunity to say something on the subject.

[DECEMBER, 1795.

sions by which they were at first actuated, were already wearing off.

Gentlemen on the other side had spoken of their feelings; did they suppose, he asked, that those who were in the majority had not feelings? Also, gentlemen declared they would not recede from their former determinations; did they ex-by such impressions. The people could not, in pect that the majority would recede?

He had, he said, taken the question of the Treaty in all its aspects, and considered it maturely, and though he lamented that he differed in opinion on that subject with his colleague, and a portion of the people of his State, he nevertheless remained convinced that the ratification of it was advisable: It rescued the country from war and its desolating horrors.

But the Senate and PRESIDENT are the Constitutional Treaty-making powers. If mistaken in their decisions, they cannot be accused of having been misled by sudden and immatured impressions. He should conceive himself unfit to fill a chair in the Senate, if he suffered himself to be carried away their town meetings, deprived of proper information, possibly form an opinion that deserved weight, and it was the duty of the Executive not to be shaken in their determination by tumultuous proceengs from without. Upon this ground he much approved the PRESIDENT's conduct, and thought it entitled to the epithet, firm.

In local questions, affecting none but the interests of his constituents, he should attend to their After reading that part of the PRESIDENT's Speech voice, but on great national points, he did not conto which the clauses objected to were an echo, he sider himself as a Representative from South Caasked, whether any one could say, under the con-rolina, but as a Senator for the Union. In quesviction that the measures of Government had tions of this last kind, even if the wishes of his prevented a war, that our view of foreign rela- constituents were unequivocally made known to tions was not consolatory? On all hands, he ob- him, he should not conceive himself bound to saserved, the idea of a war was deprecated; both crifice his opinions to theirs. He viewed the sides of the House wished to avoid it; then is it not PRESIDENT as standing in this situation, and though a consolatory reflection to all that its horrors have he might hear the opinions of the people from evbeen averted? Is there a man who does not believe ery part of the United States, he should not sacrithat, had the Treaty not been ratified, we should fice to them his own conviction; in this line of have had war? If the country had been plunged conduct he has shown his firmness, and deserves into a war, would it be as flourishing as it is? to be complimented for it by the Senate. The trifling vexations our commerce has sustained are not to compare to the evils of hostility. What good end could have been answered by a war? The Address, in the part under discussion, says no more than that we rejoice at the prospect that the blessings of peace will be preserved; and does not this expectation exist?

Great Britain, in the plenitude of her power, had availed herself of the right she had. under the Law of Nations, of seizing enemy's goods in neutral vessels; but has allowed compensation to some Americans, and a system of mild measures on our part is the best security for further.

He adverted to that part of Mr. BUTLER'S observations which related to the probable fall of provisions at the peace. We ought not to be grieved if Europe was rid of the calamities of war at that price. But he contended that, from the measures of the Administration, permanent advantages were secured to this country. The value of our soil has been enhanced; wealth has poured in from various parts of the globe, and many permanent advantages secured.

There had been one assertion made, which, by repetition, had by some almost been taken for granted, but which required proof to induce him to believe it, and that was, that a majority of the citizens of the United States are opposed to the Treaty. In the part of the country he came from, he owned there might be a majority of that opinion, but he believed the contrary of the United States at large; he expressed a conviction that, when his constituents came to consider the measure maturely, they would change their opinions, and, indeed, he understood that the false impres

The Address reported, he said, contained nothing that could wound the feelings of any member. The Senate would not, in his opinion, act ir properly if they expressed opinions coincident with their act in the June session. The feelings of the majority should be as much consulted as those of the minority. The minority are not asked to retract; but there is a propriety in the Senate's going as far in their Address as the Speech went, though it should be styled a vote of self-approbation. He hoped the clauses would not be struck

out.

Mr. ELLSWORTH was opposed to striking out. The clause records a fact, and if struck out the Senate deny it. The PRESIDENT asserts it, in the Address reported, the Senate assent, a motion is made to strike out, is it because the truth of it is doubted? It cannot be called an unimportant fact, therefore its omission will not be imputed to oversight. The latter part of the clause expresses our gratitude to Almighty God. Will the Senate refuse to make an acknowledgment of that kind? Do they not admit that He is the source of all Good, and can they refuse to acknowledge it? And if so, is it possible that, in admitting the fact and expressing the sentiment, which so naturally flows from it, the Senate should wound the feelings of any friend to his country?

The truth of the fact is as clear as that the sun now shines; the sentiment is unexceptionable; he, therefore, recommended to his friend the mover, not to insist upon striking out merely, but that he should vary the motion, and propose a substitute.

To bring the mind to the point with precision,

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it was necessary to attend to the wording of the clause. He read it. As to the signification of that part which relates to our foreign concerns, he did not consider it as hypothetical, but a positive declaration of a conviction that their situation is satisfactory, and on that ground he wished to meet the question.

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occasions in other countries, and was neither required by the Constitution, nor authorized by the principles upon which our Government was erected. But having obtained, he did not intend now to disturb it. To allow the utmost latitude to the principle which had begotten the practice, it could only tolerate the ceremony as a compliment The clause objected to expresses an expectation to the Chief Magistrate. It could not be permitthat the causes of external disagreement which ted to arrest all opinions previous to regular dishave unhappily existed, will be peaceably done cussions, nor to operate as a means of pledging away. He said he had that expectation; many members to the pursuit of a particular course, have it not. Those who have it not will nega- which subsequent and more full inquiries might tive the clause; those who have it will vote in its show to be extremely improper. Every answer, favor; the result will be the sense of a majority; therefore, to the PRESIDENT's communication the Senate could not be expected, more than on ought to be drawn in terms extremely general, neiother occasions, to be unanimous; if the declara-ther seducing the PRESIDENT into a belief that this tions contained in those clauses are supported, House would pursue a general recommendation they will be considered as the sense of the majo into points not at first contemplated by them, nor rity of the Senate, others may dissent; but be- pledged themselves to the world that that state cause unanimity could not be obtained it was no of things was just, which time had not permitted reason why the majority should give a virtual them thoroughly to examine. The clauses now negative to the declaration which they conceived under consideration had, at least in one instance, founded on truth. deviated from this principle. They declare to the world, "That the interesting prospect of our affairs with regard to the foreign Powers, between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted, is not more satisfactory than the review of our internal situation." The communications from the PRESIDENT have not uttered so bold a sentiment, nor is there any thing in those communications that justifies the assertion of this fact: Placing the Treaty with Great Britain out of the question, which seems to have been the uppermost consideration when this sentence was penned, the seizure of our provision vessels since the signature of that Treaty, and the unwarrantable imprisonment of our seamen, are acts which cloud our prosperity and happiness. The minds of the Americans must be brought to consider these things as trivial incidents in our political affairs, before the sentence under consideration can be approved. He said he must, therefore, vote for the motion to strike out the two clauses of the answer, in order that some more fit expressions might then be introduced to succeed them. He hoped the answer might be couched in terms just and delicate towards the PRESIDent, without wounding the feelings of any Senator; and he believed both might be done without any difficulty after the two clauses were expunged.

He examined in detail the situation of our external relations, to show the foundation on which he rested his expectation of a satisfactory arrangement of them, and of our general prosperity in that respect. With Morocco, our treaties are renewed. With Algiers, assurances are given by the Executive that a peace is not far distant. With Spain, on the same authority, it is understood that our prospects are favorable in that quarter. With the hitherto hostile Indians, a peace is within reach; and the only quarter in which doubt can arise is from Great Britain. But even with respect to that nation, his expectation was, that our differences there would terminate amicably; and he believed this to be the expectation of the Senate, as a collective body.

Mr. E. then went into the examination of some other parts of the clauses objected to, and vindicated the propriety of the epithets, enlightened, firm, persevering, and concluded by lamenting that there existed a difference of opinion, but hoped that this would not deter the majority from an expression of their sense.

latter expressed the opinion that he did conceive the terms of our peace with Great Britain consistent with the dignity and honor of the United States, the question was put, and decided for striking out-ayes 8, noes 14.

Mr. TAZEWELL said, the discussion had taken a turn different from that which he expected when he heard the motion. He understood the motion at the time it was made, and still so understood it, as not intending to question the propriety of After some further observations from Messrs. any thing which was contained in the PRESI-MASON, BUTLER, and BLOODWORTH, in which the DENT'S communication to both Houses of Congress. But from what had been said (by Mr. READ, of South Carolina) that part of the answer to the PRESIDENT's communication which had given rise to the motion, was intended to have a further operation than he originally believed. He On a further attempt to amend one of the asked what had given rise to the practice of return- clauses some conversation took place more reing an answer of any kind to the PRESIDENT'S com-markable for ingenuity than interesting for solidimunication to Congress in the form of an Address? ty, being chiefly a debate upon words. The Senate There was nothing, he said, in the Constitution, divided on it-7 to 15. or in any of the fundamental rules of the Federal Government, which required that ceremony from either branch of the Congress. The practice was but an imitation of the ceremonies used upon like

On the question, of agreeing to the Address, it was carried-14 to 8, as follows:

YEAS.-Messrs. Bingham, Cabot, Ellsworth, Foster,

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Frelinghuysen, King, Latimer, Livermore, Marshall, Paine, Read, Ross, Strong, and Trumbull.

[DECEMBER, 1795.

TUESDAY, December 15.

NAYS.-Messrs. Bloodworth, Brown, Butler, Lang-ING, from Delaware, severally attended.
AARON BURR, from New York, and JOHN VIN-

don, Martin, Mason, Robinson, and Tazewell.

Ordered, That the Committee who prepared the Address wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and desire him to acquaint the Senate at what time and place it will be most convenient for him that it should be presented. Mr. KING reported, from the committee, that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. and that he would receive the Address of the Senate to-morrow at 12 o'clock. Whereupon, resolved, that the Senate will, to-morrow at 12 o'clock, wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES accordingly.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have pro ceeded to the choice of a Chaplain to Congress on their part, and the Rev. ASHBEL GREEN is duly elected.

SATURDAY, December 12.

Agreeably to the resolution of yesterday, the Senate waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and the VICE PRESIDENT, in their name, presented the Address then agreed to.

To which the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES was pleased to make the following reply: GENTLEMEN: With real pleasure I receive your Address, recognising the prosperous situation of our public affairs, and giving assurances of your careful attention to the objects demanding Legislative consideration; and that, with a true zeal for the public welfare, you will cheerfully co-operate in every measure which shall appear to you best calculated to promote the same.

But I derive peculiar satisfaction from your concurrence with me in the expressions of gratitude to Almighty God, which a review of the auspicious circumstances that distinguish our happy country have excited; and I trust the sincerity of our acknowledgments will be evinced by a union of efforts to establish and preserve its peace, freedom, and prosperity. G. WASHINGTON.

The Senate returned to their own Chamber, and soon after adjourned.

MONDAY, December 14.

JOHN RUTHERFORD, from New Jersey, attended. The petition of John Blanch was presented and read, praying Congress to grant him a patent, for executing and vending a new hydrostatic pump or engine, for such length of time as may be judged expedient.

Ordered, That this petition be referred to Messrs. BUTLER, STRONG, and READ, to consider and report thereon to the Senate.

The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary for the Department of State, with copies of two reports, made by the Directors of the Mint, to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES; which were read, and referred to Messrs. CABOT, BINGHAM, and RuTHERFURD, to consider and report thereon to the Senate.

The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Department of War, with the following statements:

United States.
No. 1. Of the present Military force of the

been pursued to obtain proper sites for Arsenals. No. 2. A report of the measures which have been taken to replenish the magazines with miliNo. 3. A report of the measures which have

tary stores.

ing a trade with the Indians; and, No. 4. A report of the measures taken for open

viding materials for the frigates, and in building. No. 5. A report of the progress made in prothem.

dered to lie for consideration. Which statements were severally read, and or

WEDNESDAY, December 16.

tended. WILLIAM BRADFORD, from Rhode Island, at

Ordered, That Messrs. BURR, BROWN, and deration the report from the Department of War, ELLSWORTH, be a committee to take into consiof the measures taken for opening a trade with the Indians, and report thereon to the Senate.

The petition of Samuel Jones, and others, in behalf of some hundreds from Wales, who have left their native country with a view of forming liberty to purchase a certain tract of land mena permanent establishment in America, praying lie on the table. tioned in the petition, was read, and ordered to

THURSDAY, December 17.

The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a Letter from Samuel Meredith, Treasurer, together with his accounts, ending 31st December, 1794, 31st March, 1795, and 30th June, 1795.

Also, his accounts in the War Department, ending 31st March, 30th June, and 30th September, 1795; which were read, and ordered to lie for inspection.

Ordered, That Messrs. STRONG, LIVERMORE, and BURR, be a committee to inquire what business remained unfinished at the last session, and report such part thereof as is proper to be taken into consideration the present session.

On motion, that it be

"Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to lay before the Senate an account of the expenditures in the late military operations against the insurgents:" row for consideration. It was agreed that this motion lie until to-mor

FRIDAY, December 18.

United States by the Executive of the State of
GEORGE WALTON, appointed a Senator of the
Georgia, in place of JAMES JACKSON, resigned

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produced his credentials, and, the oath required by law being administered, he took his seat in the Senate.

The motion made yesterday, that the Secretary of War be requested to lay before the Senate an account of the expenditures in the late military operations against the insurgents, was resumed, and it was agreed that the consideration thereof be further postponed.

Mr. STRONG, from the committee appointed to inquire what business remained unfinished at the last session, which, in their opinion, it is proper should be taken into consideration at the present session, reported

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"That the Secretary of War be requested to lay beThat the following bills originated in the Sen- fore the Senate a statement of the military force actuate, and were postponed until the present Con-ally employed against the insurgents in the four Westgress, or had only two readings, and remained unfinished, viz:

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Which bills, upon the motion of any member of the Senate, may be taken up at the present session.

The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate the Report of the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund; which was read, as follows:

"The Commissioners of the Sinking Fund respectfully report to Congress :

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ern counties of Pennsylvania, and an account of the expenditures in that expedition; showing, in particular, the periods of time for which the militia of the respective States drew pay; also, a list of the general and regimental staff, with the pay respectively received by them, and an account of the pay and disbursements of the Commander-in-Chief."

Ordered, That this motion lie for consideration.

TUESDAY, December 22.

made yesterday that the Secretary of War be requested to exhibit certain accounts of the expenditures for the militia employed against the insurgents in the four Western counties of Pennsylvania: Whereupon,

The Senate took into consideration the motion

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to lay before the Senate a statement of the military force actually employed against the insurgents in the four Western counties of Pennsylvania, and an account of the expenditures in "That, pursuant to the act, entitled An act supple- that expedition; showing, in particular, the pementary to the act making provision for the Debt of riods of time for which the militia of the respectthe United States,' and in conformity to resolutions ive States drew pay; also, a list of the general agreed upon by them, and severally approved by the President of the United States, they have caused pur-ceived by them, and an account of the pay and and regimental staff, with the pay respectively rechases of the said Debt to be made, through the agency disbursements of the Commander-in-Chief. of Samuel Meredith, Esq., Treasurer of the United States, subsequent to their report, dated the 18th day November, 1794, to the amount of $42,639 14, for which there have been paid, including a sum of $160 allowed for commissions on purchases formerly made and reported, the sum of $37,612 37, in specie.

"That the documents accompanying this report, marked A, B, C, show the aforesaid purchases generally and in detail, including the places where, the times when, the prices at which, and the persons of whom, the purchases were made.

"That the purchases now and heretofore reported amount, together, to $2,307,661 71, for which there have been paid, in specie, $1,618,936 04, as will more particularly appear from the document marked A.

"That there remains at this time in the hands of

their said Agent the sum of $70,96815, arising from dividends subsequent to the 1st day of April last, on stock heretofore purchased and redeemed, which sum, with the dividends to be made thereon, at the close of the present year, and other funds appropriated by law, will be applied, on the 1st day of January ensuing, to the reimbursement of the six per cent. stock, bearing a present interest, pursuant to the directions contained in

Mr. BURR, from the committee to whom was referred the report from the Department of War, of the measures taken for opening a trade with the Indians, reported, "That, in the opinion of the committee, it will be expedient to appropriate a further sum for the purposes of Indian trade; and that a bill should be introduced for that purpose."

And, the report being adopted, the committee was directed to bring in a bill accordingly.

WEDNESDAY, December 23.

Mr. BURR, from the committee yesterday instructed to that purpose, reported a bill making provision for the purposes of trade with the Indians; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Ordered, That Messrs. ELLSWORTH, STRONG, and TAZEWELL, be a committee to prepare and report a bill to regulate proceedings in cases of outlawry.

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