*

"glory that it never before attained."Was this, Sir, to insist upon an “immediate” annihilation? Mr. Addington's tax, which I was defending, would have annihilated only 5 per centum per annum of the capital stock, or, which is just the same thing, would have cut off only an additional 5 per centum per annum of the interest. This process would have required twenty years, wherein to effect the annihilation and, let me ask you, Sir, if you really think that the interest on even the present debt will continue to be paid for that length of time? In my letter to Mr. Addington, where this subject was first broached by me, I re. marked, by way of anticipating the objections which might be urged against me, that, if I am told of the miseries, "which this measure will bring upon those,

-

who are so unfortunate as to be stock"holders, I deny that they will be a hun"dredth part so great as is generally ima"gined; because, as the extinction will not be "effected all at once, people will sell out, in "proportion as their apprehensions in66 crease; and, as those, who have nothing "but the funds to depend upon, will be most timid, they will sell first; so that, "at the close of the "market," the loss σε will be found to be pretty fairly distributed." * - Do I here say, that the funds and the monarchy can no "no longe" co exist? Do I here call for an immediate " annihilation? And, as I approach the date of your speech, do you find any alteration. in my sentiments? We do not say, we "have never said, that the " present struggle "cannot be terminated without an annihilation_of the national debt; but we do say, that it σ cannot be so soon terminated, that it cannot be terminated so well, and, that, "if the debt continue, it is very probable, "that, at last, we shall conclude another "disgraceful and short-lived peace." This passage was published only five days before your speech was delivered; and I should, Sir, be very glad to hear how you will satisfy the world, that your misrepresentation was not intentional, and that it ought not to be regarded as one of those foul and unlawful blows, by which a sinking and vindictive combatant sometimes endeavours to maim his antagonist.-To endeavour to effect an immediate annihilation of the debt is, however, less offensive against the rules of political justice, than to endeavour to destroy all public faith and all public property. What you mean by "all

"public property" is indeed, very clear. If you mean all funded property, then the phrase is redundant, because synonimous with national debt, of my evil designs upon which you had spoken in the former member of the sentence; and, if this be not your meaning, I am really at a loss to know what it is; for as to public property, in the correct sense of the words, as to the royal forests, and the like, you could hardly intend to insinuate that I had any lurking intention to destroy them. Throwing aside, therefore, this unmeaning expletive, let me beg you to lay your finger upon the passage, where I have recom mended the "destruction of all public faith.” If you had discovered such a recommendation, you ought to have been very careful not to be the first to find fault with it; you, Sir, who have employed much more than half the time since I was born, in endeavouring to blot from men's minds the very name of public faith. You would not have been the proper person to turn accuser on this occasion; but again I ask you to lay your finger upon the page, where I have given way to the profligate politics, of which you have had the temerity to accuse

me.

You cannot but you may easily point to a passage containing a complete refutation of your charge, and that, too, placed at the head of the very first observations, which I ever made as to the expediency of annihilating the national debt. "Whether the tax upon the funds" [which I regarded as the certain means of doing away the debt!" be just or not, is a

question, which depends upon the re"sult of another question, to wit, whether "the tax be necessary to the existence of the "state. You" [Mr. Addington" seem "to imagine, that the world will regard "this direct tax upon the funds as a direct "and flagrant breach of national faith, which "it most assuredly is, unless the previous "question of absolate necessity can be "clearly made out; because, the agree"ment with the stock-holders is, that they "shall receive such and such dividends, sub"ject to no deduction whatever'; and, for the "punctual adherence to thi. bargain the "faith of the nation is pledged. On that "faith it is, that thousands and hundreds

of thousands of persons have deposited their all in the hands of government. "But, the first law of every land, the first duty of those who administer the govern. ment is, to secure the existence of the state. "This law of self-preservation supersedes every other law; and, therefore, if a tax upon the funds has this sanction, it

σε

66

་་

who, in speaking of this system, has exhausted his copious vocabulary of terms of reproach and contempt, and who, for fourteen years opposed, in some way or other, every tax that was imposed for the support of this system; that Mr. Sheridan should now become the partizan of the funds and the advocate for public faith, is a circumstance that would be sufficiently striking, even though it were unaccompanied with the no less singular one of his having resolved on this new line of conduct for the purpose of protecting the government against me, who have heretofore made no inconsiderable exertions to stem that torrent of anarchy, on the troubled waters of which Mr. Sheridan exhibited so conspicuous a figure. The first moment that I touched upon the subject of the finances, I was careful to guard against imputations, such as I foresaw that the hunters after popu larity would have recourse to, and such as you, in the present instance, have employed. I, therefore, explicitly stated, that I did not regard money as the principal source of national strength, and that, so far from desponding at the depreciation of public credit, I was thoroughly convinced, that a national bankruptcy would not disable us from maintaining our present dominions, and recovering all the honours, of which we had been stripped by a degrading and ignominious peace. "Coupled, therefore," said I," with this declaration, no state"ment, no conclusion, of mine, however "disadvantageous to the financial affairs of "the country, can possibly be attributed "to a desire to create despondency in the "hearts of the people, or to embarrass the "operations of government. I wish to

"stands in need of no other. The tax is, "in that case, no breach of national faith; "because, to constitute such breach, the "nation must want the will to fulfil its en46 gagements, and, it never can be said "to want the will, if it has already gone 46 as far as it can go without producing its own destruction as a state. Many other arguments suggest themselves in support "of this position; but, if the case of ne"cessity exists, what I have said already, "Sir, sufficiently justifies the tax, and, if "the necessity does not exist, all that can "possibly be urged by the most ingenious reasoner, will fall far short of producing "conviction."--That the necessity does exist, I afterwards state. I state it, indeed, in the which you passage, have garbled, and even in the very words, which you impute to me; for, if" the "co-existence of the monarchy and the funds "be no longer posible," then there exists an absolute necessity for the annihilation of the funds; and, if that necessity does exist, then is the act of annihilation no breach of public faith, much less is it "the de"struction of all public faith." The necessity, which I contend for, will, I think, hardly be denied by you, who was glad at a peace of which you could not be proud, because the nation was unable any longer to bear the expenses of war; but, whether you allow of the necessity, or not, whether the necessity exist, or not, has nothing to do with the charge against me, wherein you assert, that I am seeking, in the annihilation of the national debt, the "destruction of all public faith," whereas, I have not only never proposed such destruction, but have taken some pains to show, that the measure which I propose would not be a breach of public faith, because it is called for by absolute necessity. Whether, therefore, this necessity does or does not exist, my principle is sound, and my object honourable. I may have deceived myself as to the resources of the nation, but I have protested against any mode of relief which should, in the smallest degree, impair that faith, which you charge me with an intention to destroy root and branch.-Here I should dismiss this part of my subject, did I not think it necessary to say a few words as to the motive, to which you have chosen to ascribe my speculations relative to the national debt. That Mr. Sheridan, whose attacks on the funding system were, for many years, as regular as the return of the seasons; that Mr. Sheridan

* See Vol. III. p. 918.

66

"convince the people, that they cannot, if "they would, and that they ought not, if "they could, rely, for their safety, on the "pecuniary credit of the state.' On a more recent occasion I observed, that the true way of convincing the enemy, that his war upon our finances would be useless, as to the success of his main design, was to state explicitly to the world, that we were not at all afraid of the consequences of what is called national bankruptcy; " for," said I," while we attempt to make people be"lieve, that such an event cannot possibly "happen, they will certainly think, that we "regard it, if it should happen, as irretrica"able ruin and destruction; and, therefore, as "we can never completely remove their "doubts, the best way is to set the bug-bear

* Sce Vol. III. p. 514.

"at defiance."-Thus, Sir, in this, as in every other respect, my motives evidently are precisely the contrary of those, which you have attributed to me. Ignorance of this you cannot plead, because the passages I have here referred to are not only in the same work, but they make part of the very same letters and essays, to which you have alluded as the foundation of your charge; a charge brought forward from no very laudable motives, totally unfounded in truth, and supported by nothing but barbershop rhetoric, by a sort of loose unprincipled banter, intended to raise a laugh amongst the ignorant, and to silence the voice of wisdom and of reason, purely by volubility and noise.-I am, Sir, &c. WM. COBBETT.

Duke-street, Westm. Aug. 24, 1803.

An Address to the British People on the Sub-
ject of the threatened Invasion: written
in the Neigbboarbood of Windsor.
Britons prepare:-prepare to meet the foe,
With bold defiance of the threaten'd blow.
The aim against th' existence of the throne
Involves designs subversive of your own.
Your welfare and the welfare of the state
Depend, for ever, on a common fate.

For the firm spirit, which the state defends,
Protects yourselves, your families, your friends.
'Tis yours, with souls undaunted, to advance
To curb the daring insolence of France.
Shall Gallia's arms dismay her art beguile
The manly guardians of Britannia's isle.

Her hostile menace shall their vengeance rouse,
Victorious wreaths shall deck their valiant brows.

When Rome's ambitious leader, Cæsar, came,
Incited by insatiate thirst of fame,
The doubtful victory his legions gain'd
Was more by stratagem than arms obtain'd;
And stratagem and arms alike had fail'd,

Had concord 'mongst the British chiefs prevail'd.

Britons unite and fearless brave the shock,
Your Empire stands an adamantine rock.
England and Scotland with Hibernia join'd,
May bid defiance to the world combin'd.
One by allegiance, language, social love,
And one in danger will they ever prove.
No sep'rate int'rests now divide their cause,

The same their rights, their motives, and their laws.

And quickly shall the rash invader know,
The foe to one is deem'd a common foe;
Encroaching on their native shores shall learn
Their hearts alike with indignation burn.
The sanguinary crime, the foul disgrace,
Which damns the fame of Ireland's ruder race,
Springs from misguided zeal in ruffian souls,
But not the nation's character controuls.
For genuine worth and honour's nicest sense,
Intrepid courage without vain pretence.
And loyalty with highest grace of mind
Are in Hibernia's polish'd sons combin'd.

+ See Vol. III. p. 949.

Perfidious treason will they view with scorn
They, now united, feel as Britons born:
And dire as is the horrid scourge of war,
Which spreads its devastation wide and far,
In self-defence shall Britons fear to die?
Or will they sink to abject slavery?
Or shall this happy isle again he curst,
Of all pernicious evils with the worst ?
Shall anarchy resume her mad career,
Again usurp her dread dominion here?
Where ev'ry heart a patriot glow should feel,
And ev'ry hand protect the public weal.
Shall Briton's sons elate in Gallia's praise,
Dare here the standard of revolt to raise ?
Dare here enroll a rude rebellious band,
To welcome Britain's foes on British land!
To welcome foes, whose rough infuriate mind
Abhors the social order of mankind;
Whose wild aggression o'er the world extends,
Whose proffer'd aid in devastation ends :
Whose friendly zeal, whose brotherly embrace,
O'er empires by ensanguin'd steps we trace:
With such allies can British hearts unite,
With fierce invaders of all public right ?
Whose highest joy from wasteful ruin springs,
Subverting altars and dethroning kings:
Who prowl abroad with more than savage rage,
The scourge and scorn of an enlighten'd age;
To blow the character of polish'd times,
With new, with hideous, and atrocious crimes:
Like fiends impell'd by murderous desire,
To conquer with exterminating ire;
Who smile at mercy, with contemptuous hate,
Though captive thousands kneeling supplicate:
The refuge seek, where wounded numbers lie,
Whose anguish claims the kindest sympathy,
(Their fellow soldiers, countrymen, and friends,
Devoted to their own delusive ends;)

There, with dissembled grace and art refin'd,
Raise the faint prospect of the sinking mind,
And then, too horrid for the human soul !!
Contrive, by poison, to destroy the whole.*
Athiests avow'd no qualmish horrors rise
To daunt them from profanest enterprize;
Alike devout, as suits their impious plan,
With Christian, Pagan, Jew, or Mussulman.
Debas'd are nations, who have kiss'd the rod,
Nor turn'd to vindicate themselves or God.

Go ask what honour, what important gain
Has France, in friendship, forc'd on humbled
Spain?

Is now Helvetia's valiant race more free

In trammels yoked of Gallic liberty?

Go ask in Rome of that redoubted shade

Of pow'r, which once the trembling world obey'd,
How Papal dignity and sway advance
Beneath the pious auspices of France?
The frugal Belgium ask, whose golden hoard
He consecrates to Gall's imperious lord.
Does gainful commerce now unshackled thrive?
His own courageous spirit still survive?
That spirit, which, with indignation fir'd,
With dignity and tortitude inspir'd,
Brav'd the proud pow'r of bigotry and Spain,
And burst a vengeful tyrant's galling chain,
Now sinks appall'd and crouching courts the

hand,

Whose ruetul aid enslaves its native land.

* Sir Robert Wilson's History of the British Expedition to Egypt, p. 74, 75, 76, 77.

Shall Britons thus their boasted triumphs prize,
Resign their fame, their honour compromise?
Supinely shrink, when foes their coasts besiege,
And yield as vassals to a foreign liege?

The freedom purchas'd with their fathers' blood
Full oft a direful conflict has withstood,
And Gall's insulting menace shall appear,
An object more of folly than of fear.

Lo! yonder stately pile, august domain *,
Whose tow'ring turrets crown the fertile plain,
Its hallow'd scite from Edward's birth rever'd
Itselt by Edward in his greatness rear'd;
Greatness, which only lofty minds can own,
Whose virtues, prov'd in conquest, grace the

throne.

Such our third Edward prov'd, and such his Son,
And fame immortal by their conquests won;
For Britons then with martial ardour fir'd,
To mightiest deeds of enterprize aspir'd.
By valour urg'd they boldly dar'd advance
Pursuing conquest in the heart of France.

Nor threats alarm'd, nor numbers rous'd their fears,

To valour yielded Crecy and Poictiers;
At Agincourt, when Henry led the field,
'Twas valour made e'en ten-fold numbers yield;
And later times may Britain proudly boast,
'Till to the mem'ry Marlb'rough's name be lost;
'Till we forget the glory of the brave,
And cease to sigh o'er Abercromby's grave.

Is then our native prowess sunk so low
That Briton's fear invasion from their foe?
Shall all their laurels, in an instant, fade,
Touch'd by the flimsy breath of gasconade?
Assail'd in fam'd Eliza's splendid reign,
How impotent the vaunted fleets of Spain?
How impotent was Fiance, whose thund'ring
boast,

Great Hawke aveng'd on Gall's securest coast?
How impotent was France, when Nelson bore
Eternal trophies from th' Egyptian shore?
And still shall Britain's navies rule the main,
And still unsullied glory shall attain.

True to themselves shall Britons strike the blow
Of sure destruction on their threat'ning foe:
For his is not the cool delib'rate threat,
The sage design of men in council met:
'Tis not the firm defiance of the great,
But petulance arising from defeat:
A restless tyrant's mad and braggart dare,
From disappointment, perfidy, despair.
Howe'er his tribe affect their fate to brave,
For Britain's ruin 'though they wildly rave,
Her ever circling seas and wooden walls,
Shall still defy the tyrant till he falls.

Yon regal dome + rever'd from Edward's name,
Still boasts a Monarch of exalted fame;
Mild and benevolent his kingly sway,
His upright mind unconscious of dismay;
His life the model of what life should be,
His rule the stately rule of majesty.

A Monarch urg'd by no ambitious views,
Who zealously 2 nation's good pursues,
Though firm in its defence the sword to draw,
Yet never violates establish'd law,

On peaceful arts, with calm delight, intent,
Who ne'er by rapine seeks aggrandisement;
• Windsor Castle.

+ Windsor Castle.

Whom science owns as patron and as friend,
Whose grandest schemes to gen'ral welfare tend;
Beneath whose shield unequall'd commerce thrives
And pure religion e'en at court survives;
To him is ever due his regal state,

And subject minds his sceptre consecrate;
To him his people boundless off'rings bring
A willing tribute to a patriot King.

Aw'd by the retrospect of former times,

When e'en the Crown has sanction'd basest crimes,

Would British hearts, in homage to the throne,
A grateful sense of its protection own;
And equally to threat'ning tyrants prove,
The Throne protected by the people's love.

The dastard slave, who would their minds suborn,
Shall feel their hatred and receive their scorn;
Their King, their country, wives and children
claim,

And those attach'd by Friendship's sacred name;
And all the interests of social life,

A firm forbearance from domestic strife;
But, if a hostile band approach their coast,
Let it be then the manly Britons' boast,
We spurn the threat of merciless defeat,
We seek no shelter, flee to no retreat,
But bravely here defend the gen'ral good,
'Till the last drop shall fall of British blood.
Regis et Patria Amator.

Oxford, August 2d, 1803.

PUBLIC PAPERS.

Order of His Britannic Majesty, in Council, for granting reprisals against the Ligurian and Italian Republics. Dated, August 17, 1803.

At the Court at St. James's, the 17th of August, 1803, present the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas in the countries styling themselves the Ligurian and Italian Republics, measures of hostility have been adopted against his Majesty's subjects; and whereas the said countries cannot but be considered as absolutely dependent on, and under the controul of the government of France; his Majesty is pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the said countries styling themselves the Ligurian and Italian Republics, so that as well his Majesty's fleets and ships, as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned, by letters of marque, or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of GreatBritain, shall and may lawfulty seize all ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the persons inhabiting the countries styling themselves the Ligurian and Italian Republics, and bring the same to judgment in any of the Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions; and, to that end, his Majesty's Advocate General, and the Advocate of the Admiralty, are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral, or any person or persons by them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his Majesty's subjects, or others whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the persons inhabiting the countries styling themselves the Ligurian and Italian Republics; and that

such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his Majesty's said Advocate General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are also forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the said Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral to will and require of the High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain, and the Lieutenant and Judge of the said Court, his Surrogate or Surrogates, as also the several Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions which shall be duly commissionated to take cognizance of, and judicially proceed upon all and all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals of all ships and goods that are or shall be made, and to hear and determine the same, and according to the course of Admiralty, and the laws of nations, to adjudge and condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods as shall belong to the persons inhabiting the countries styling themselves the Ligurian and Italian Republics; and that such powers and authorities be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare and lay before his Majesty at this Board a draft of such instructions as may be proper' to be sent to the said several Courts of Admiralty in his Majesty's foreign governments and plantations for their guidance herein; as also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be commissionated for the purposes afore-mentioned. From the Court at St. James's, the seventeenth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and three.Portland, P.-Chatham.-Castlereagh.-Hobart.Hawkesbury.-C. F. Greville, V. C.

My Lord,-The zeal, loyalty, and public spirit, which continue to be manifested in every part of the kingdom, having had the effect of producing voluntary offers of service to so considerable an amount as to render it unnecessary for his Majesty to order and direct the Lieutenant, or Deputy Lieutenants of the County of

to cause the

persons comprised in the first, second, and third classes of persons enrolled for military service, in conformity to the provisions of the Act of the 43d Geo. III. cap. 96, or any, or either of them, to be trained and exercised in the use of arms; I am to inform your lordship, that it is his Majesty's pleasure to suspend for the present such of the provisions of the act as require the men enrolled for military service to be trained and exercised, subject, nevertheless (conformably to the 53d clause of the said act) to such conditions as to the number of effective men to be constanly existing in the Volunteer Corps of the County, and to such other rules and regulations as to exercise and muster, or inspection by general or other officers, as to his Majesty shall seem necessary.-In order, however, to enable his Majesty, if he shall judge it advisable, at a future period, to resort to the clauses respecting the training and exercise, your lordship must be aware of the absolute necessity of carrying into execution those provisions of the act which relate to the enrolment in the several districts and parishes, and to the returns which are to be made to the Secretary of

State.-1 am further to acquaint your lordship, that the inconvenience which must unavoidably arise from carrying the volunteer system to an unlimited extent, has determined his Majesty not to authorize, at present, any additional Volunteer Corps to be raised in any County where the number of effective members of these corps, including the yeomanry, shall exceed the amount of six times the Militia, exclusive of the Supplementary quota, making in the county of men, and in providing that number, your lordship will avail yourself of your own knowledge and experience, with a view to such a selection as may be best suited to local considerations.-But in the event of the effective numbers of the corps already recommended by your lordship, having arrived at -, you will post

pone the communication of any further offers, until his Majesty shall be pleased to signify his intention to increase the volunteer force in the County under your lordship's charge.-I have the honour to be, &c. HOBART.

To His Majesty's Lieutenant of the County of

Plan of a Volunteer Naval Armament for the Protec tion of the Coast, transmitted to the Lords Lieut‹nants of the Maritime Counties by Lord Hobart. A regular establishment for the inrolment of seafaring persons under the denomination of Sea Fencibles, having been formed by the Board of Admiralty, upon the line of coast more immediately opposed to the enemy, it is thought adviscable that measures should be taken for a further extension of that system, and for rendering the services of that description of Volunteers available, as well for the naval detence of the country, as for the purpose of manuing the batteries upon the coast. With this view, it is proposed, first, That it be recommended to the Lords Lieutenants of the Maritime Counties to co-operate with the Board of Admiralty in obtaining the inrolment of all sea-faring men, not applicable to the service of the navy, upon their respective coasts, under the general denomination of Sea Fencibles, Secondly, That it be recommended to the principal sea-port towns to equip, at their own expense, a certain number of armed vessels and hulks, to be stationed for the better security and protection of such ports, and to be appropriated to, and manned by Sea Fencibles, who shall take charge of them, and be exercised on board at the guns as often as may be required. Thirdly, That where the proportion of Sea Fencibles, which any place can furnish, is greater than such place can find shipping to employ; and likewise where any place is capable of providing men, bus unable to procure vessels; in both these cases vessels shall be furnished by government. Fourthly, That as colliers and coasting vessels are well adapted to be armed as gun-boats, it be recommended to the principal merchants a id owners in every port in this kingdom, to fit their vesselss of that description with slides between decks, and loop-holes in the combings of their hatchways, for close quarters; these vessels to carry two guns forward, and two aft, to fight on either side, as well as fore and alt. Fifthly, That when the vessels are reported ready, guns and ammunition shall be put on board by government, free of expense to the owners; the masters giving a receipt and voucher to return them when demanded, and to keep a regular account of the expenditure of the stores. Sixthly, That these vess. Is

* The expense of such fitting has been calculated under 541.