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R, BURKE's speech on the report of the

army has not been correctly stated in some of the public papers. It is of consequence to him not to be misunderstood. The matter which incidentally came into discullion is of the most serious importance. It is thought that the heads and substance of the speech will answer the purpose sufficiently. If in making the abftract, through defect of memory in the person who now gives it, any difference at all should be perceived from the speech as it was spoken, it will not, the editor imagines, be found in any thing which may amount to a retraction of the opinions he then maintained, or to any softening in the expreflions in which they were conveyed.

Mr. Burke spoke a confiderable time in anfwer to various arguments which had been infifted upon by Mr. Grenville and Mr. Pitt, for keeping an increased peace establishment, and againft an imprcper jealousy of the ministers, in whom a full con. fidence, subject to responsibility, ought to be placed, on account of their knowledge of the real situation of affairs; the exact state of which it frequently happened, that they could not disclose, without viclating the conftitutional and political secrefy, necessary to the well being of their country.

Mr. Burke faid in fubftance,“ that confidence might become a vice, and jealousy a virtue, accord

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ing to circumstances. That confidence, of all pub lic virtues, was the most dangerous, and jealousy in an House of Commons, of all public vices, the most tolerable; especially where the number and the charge of standing armies, in time of peace, was the question.

That in the annual mutiny bill, the annual army was declaredly to be for the purpose of preserving the balance of power in Europe. The propriety of its being larger or smaller depended, therefore, upon the true state of that balance. If the increase of peace establishments demanded of parliamentagreed with the manifest appearance of the batance, confidence in ministers, as to the particulars, would be very proper. If the increase was not at all supported by any such appearance, he thought great jealousy might, and ought to be, entertained ou that subject.

That he did not find, on a review of all Europe, that; politically, we stood in the smallest degree of danger from any one state or kingdom it contained; nor that any other foreign powers than our own , allies were likely to obtain a considerable prepon. derance in the scale.

That France had hitherto been our first object, in all considerations concerning the balance of power. The presence or absence of France totally varied every sort of speculation relative to that balance.

That France is, at this time, in a political light, to be considered as expunged out of the system of Europe. Whether she could ever appear in it again, as a leading power, was not easy to determine: but at present he considered France as not politically existing; and mait assuredly it would take up much time to restore her to her former active existence --Gallos quoque in bellis floruise audivimus, might possibly be the language of the rising generation. He did not mean to deny, that it was our duty to keep our eye on that nation, and


to regulate 'our preparation by the symptoms of her Fecovery

That it was to her strength, not to her form of government which we were to attend; because republics, as well as monarchies, were susceptible of ambition, Jealousy, and anger, the usual causes of war.

Put if, while France continued in this swoon, we fhould go on increasing our expences, we should certainly make ourselves less a match for her, when it became our concern to arm.

It was faid, that as she had speedily fallen, The might speedily rise again. He doubted this. That the fall from an height was with an accelerated velocity; but to lift a weight up to that height again was difficult; and opposed by the laws of physical and poo litical gravitation

In a political view, France was low indeed. She had lost every thing, even to her name.

Jaçet ingens littore truncus,
Avclfumque humeris caput, et line nomine corpus*.


He was astonished at it-he was alarmed at it-lie işembled at the uncertainty of all human greatness.

Since the house had been prorogued in the summer much work was done in France. The French had shewn themselves the ableft architects of ruin that had


Mr. Burke, probably, had in his mind the remainder of the par{age, and was filled with some congenial apprehensions :

“ Hæc finis Priami fatorum ; hic exitus illum
“ Sorte tulit, Trojam incenfam, & prolapfa videntem
“ Pergama; tot quondam populis, terrisque, fuperbum

Regnatorem Aliz. Jacet irgens littore truncus,
“ Avolíumque humeris caput, & fine nomine corpus.
" Ai me tum primuin fævus circumftetit horror ;
"Obitupui : subiii chari genitoris imago“-

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hitherto existed in the world. In that very short ipace of time they had completely pulled down to the ground, their monarchy; their eliurch; theịr nobility; their law; their' revenue; their army; their navy; their cominerce; their arts; and their manufaclures. They had done their business for us as sivals, in a way in which twenty Ramilies or Blen: heims could never have done it. Were we absolute conquerors, and France to lie prostrate at our feet, we should be ashamed to send a conimillion to fetgle. their affairs, which could impose so hard a law upon the French, and to destructive of all their consen quence as a nation, as that they had imposed upon themselves.

France, by the mețe circumstance of its vicinity, had been, and in a degree always-muft be, an object of our vigilance, either with regard to her actual power, or to her influence and example. As to the former, he had spoken; as to the latter, (her example) he should say a few words: for by this example our friendship, and our intercourse with that nation had once been, and might again become, more dangerous to us than their worst hoftility:

In the last century, Louis the Fourteenth had esta. blished a greater and better disciplined military force than ever had been before seen in Europe, and with it 2 perfect despotism. Though that despotism was proudly arrayed in manners, gallantry, iplendour, magnificence, and even covcred over with the im sosing robes of science, literature, and arts, it was, in government, nothing better than a painted and gilded tyranny; in religion, an hard tiern intole: rance, the fit companion and auxiliary to the despotic tyranny which prevailed in its government. The fame character of despotism infinuated itself into every fourt of Europe-the fame spirit of disproportiona ed magnificençesthe same love of ftanding ar

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