the House, and he should conclude his ob- | had intended to point out in the words he servations by a Motion that that Petition used on the occasion referred to, that he do lie on the table. He would adopt that drew the proof that the petitioners were course that he might put himself perfectly right in stating that uncertainty existed, in order with their Lordships' House, and On that occasion the noble Earl-with a afford any other of their Lordships a full degree of eloquence which he alone at preopportunity of expressing their opinions on sent possessed, and with a frankness which the subject. He should also confine his he readily acknowledged-stated that as far observations to the topics alluded to in as he himself was concerned he had not in the allegations of the petitioners, and, any way changed in office the opinions which adopting the order they had observed in he had entertained out of office-he stated their statements, he should proceed by in language not to be mistaken that he endeavouring to prove to their Lordships, still thought the policy which at present in the first instance, that it is desira- governed the country with respect to the ble that the country should be informed importation of foreign corn was not the as early as possible of the intentions of best policy for the country-that the printhe Government respecting so important ciple which governed the American tariff a topic; and in the next place, that was the right principle, and that it would up to the present moment uncertainty be for the advantage of this country if that reigns in the country with regard to the principle were adopted. That so far nointentions of the Government-that as thing could be more frank or clear on the yet they were unable to gather from all part of the noble Earl, they must all acthat had been said or done by the noble knowledge; so far he was perfectly consisLord and his Colleagues on the questions of tent. The noble Earl and his Colleagues, financial and commercial policy what were when they sat in opposition, took every the particular intentions of the Govern- opportunity that presented itself of proment in that respect. He should attempt fessing their principles; by doing so to show, even from the noble Earl's own they justly merited the name they were words on a former occasion, that their known by-namely, Protectionists; for Lordships were as yet unaware what mea- on no occasion, when the subject was sures, or indeed if any measures, were to brought forward, did they ever profess be brought before Parliament on the sub- any change of opinion on that subject; ject. He should then, after having proved on the contrary, they invariably mainthe utter darkness in which both the House tained, in doors and out of doors, the prinand the country had been left in respect ciples and policy which, at the period of to the views of Government on so vital a the great contest in 1846, they had so question, proceed to show the great incon- eloquently and firmly advocated. venience which arose now, and which was stating those opinions, the noble Earl, on likely to continue to arise, from that un- the occasion to which he had alluded, procertainty; and he would then submit to ceeded to say, these were his own private the House if, after having established these opinions-his own individual opinions; and, three points, he was not entitled to put therefore, whatever his opinions werequestions to the noble Earl, and to expect however firmly he adhered to his former the noble Earl, as responsible Minister of opinions, the House could draw no concluthe Crown, to answer in such a manner as sion that those were the opinions which to relieve the country from that uncertain- were to guide his policy. The noble Earl ty. If the noble Earl should so answer did not state on that occasion the opinions them as to remove all uncertainty, he he entertained were the opinions of his Cashould be bound to say that his object in binet. He did not state those opinions as bringing forward the subject, would be a Minister, for if he had they should be completely attained; and he might add, the bound to believe they were the opinions of prayer of the petitioners would to its fullest the Cabinet, and would form the basis of extent be complied with; for all they asked its policy, and that there could be no miswas that the uncertainty of the country take in supposing that the same principles should no longer exist. In following that which guided them in opposition should be course, the House would excuse him if he carried into execution now that they were alluded to what had fallen from the no- in possession of power. The noble Earl furble Earl on a former occasion; because ther said, with great caution, after stating it was from the difficulty of clearly un- that what he had been setting forth as derstanding what policy the noble Earl the true policy of this country, was only After his own opinion, that the question was one which could only be settled by reference to the well-understood and clearly expressed opinion of the intelligent portion of the community; from which statement he (Lord Beaumont) would naturally draw the conclusion, that the Government of the day intended to propose a scheme in accordance with their own views, and should they not be able to carry it in the present Parliament they would appeal to the country on its merits-that the country having responded to the appeal, by returning to the other House of Parliament representatives to express their opinions on the subject, the sense of the country would be taken by a division in the House of Commons as soon as Parliament had assembled. That was the ordinary course on similar occasions. The noble Earl stated he was in a minority in the other House, and had barely a majority in their Lordships' House, and therefore that the question was to be decided by the country. That must have meant, as he had already said, that it was intended to take the sense of the country. Now the only way of taking the sense of the country was by laying before it the issue to be settled, and then, after the elections, by testing it by a division in the House of Commons. If the noble Earl had stated that to be his course, he (Lord Beaumont) should have been perfectly satisfied, and should have had no occasion to put questions to the noble Earl; he should have said that the course was a straightforward one, consistent with the noble Earl's principles, in accordance with the constitution, and, considering his opinions on the subject, one that was the least detrimental to the country. The noble Earl had not, however, said he should adopt that course; but had contented himself with saying that it was a question to be decided by the intelligent portion of the country; but that he did not thereby mean that he would propose any measure, or go to the country upon it, or that he would take a division on it in a new Parliament, or, in other words, that he would take the sense of the country upon it. The noble Earl avoided pledging himself as to any course. On the noble Earl arriving at office there were two courses open to him to adopt, either of which would have been satisfactory or fair to the country. Either he should have said that now he and his Colleagues had come into office they intended to carry out the principles which they had advocated in oppositionLord Beaumont that, knowing they could not carry them out in the present Parliament, they would go to the country upon them, and take the sense of the country immediately on the assembling of the new Parliament, by a division in the House of Commons; or the noble Earl might have adopted another course-and if he had he (Lord Beaumont) would not have said a word against it-the noble Earl might have said, that it was true his individual opinions were not changed, that he still entertained the same opinions he had always had with respect to the policy adopted by the late Sir Robert Peel, but that that policy once adopted, it was so dangerous to undo, that though he had not changed his opinions in the abstract upon it, he did not think it wise to commence any dangerous agitation upon it, or to reopen such a vexatious question after it had been once settledthat, notwithstanding his own individual opinions upon it, his Government intended to adhere to it as being the less of two evils, preferring it to agitating the country in the hope of obtaining a doubtful good. If the noble Earl had adopted that course he (Lord Beaumont) would never have charged the noble Earl or his Colleagues with inconsistency; for he firmly believed that whatever opinions he might once have maintained on the subject, it would not be advantageous to reagitate a question which had been agitated for so many years previous to the measures of 1846, and again unluckily and ill-advisedly kept alive for so many years after the great struggle of 1846. Either of these courses would have been perfectly straightforward; and, if openly avowed, would have been an act of candour on the part of the noble Earl. But the noble Earl, on the contrary, had adopted neither of these courses. He had never told them that he intended positively to reverse the policy of the late Sir Robert Peel, or to acquiesce in it. On the contrary, he had appealed, if not directly, at any rate by inference, to the country to agitate the question, without making any promise whatever at the same time that he meant to settle it. That was reopening everything and settling nothing; it was creating a contest out of doors, without bringing it to an issue within doors; it was not the conduct of a statesman in Parliament, but of an agitator out of doors. The noble Earl threw a ball of dissension to the country, called upon his friends to recommence their agitation for protection, but would not say whe ment. ther, in the next Parliament, or at all, he in- | have lost, and re-establish ourselves again tended to bring this question to a final set- under the banner of our darling protectlement by proposing a measure to Parlia- tion." So doubtful in their import were That was a dangerous proceeding the words of the noble Earl that the agrifor the country; it was bad as a precedent, cultural champions had seen in them vaand it unsettled men's minds-for each rious extents of protective duties. Some person interpreted the noble Earl's speech saw in them a fixed duty-others interaccording as his hopes or fears inclined him. preted them as re-establishing a sliding Moreover, it appeared to him-although scale. Now, was not this a course likely the noble Earl had more experience in to create agitation out of doors without any such subjects than he could boast of-that prospect of ever seeing it settled within that was very like abdicating the functions doors? The noble Earl was, in his opinof Government-for it was the part of the ion, bound to state the issue which he Government to originate measures. The wished to be tried by the country on this noble Earl avowed no intention to grapple subject before the New Parliament was with the subjects which still unfortunately elected, in order that the struggle might agitate the country, nor had he announced be narrowed and confined to as small a point the course the Government were prepared as possible. If he travelled from the speech to adopt in their regard; but, on the of the noble Earl in that House to the contrary, the noble Earl and his Col- speeches of the noble Earl's Colleagues on leagues said to the country, "Tell us the hustings, he became not more precise in what measures we should take, and we his views, but more mystified. They had will adopt whatever policy the majority now had time for consideration, and it was to tells us to pursue." If that were the case, be hoped that after so many meetings of if they intended the discussion to be car- the Cabinet they were now of one mind; ried on in public meetings and not in Parlia- but if they looked to their various speeches ment, they were advancing far to an ex- on the hustings, it was "confusion worse ternal out-of-door democratic Government. confounded." In North Essex he found The noble Earl stated, that the corn laws one of them making a stout and bold agriwas a question to be settled by the en- cultural speech, which looked to the whole lightened classes out of doors, meaning restoration of protection. In Lincolnshire thereby the constituencies; but though he there were two strong speeches made. In referred the question to the constituencies, the first speech there was a distinct prohe would not pledge himself to take a di- mise of the restoration of protection; but vision on the subject in the next Parliament. in the second protection was described as Was not that encouraging agitation? was it a very good sort of thing, but it was somenot calling on the country to agitate this what doubtful whether it ever could be requestion, without a view of carrying any stored. In Buckinghamshire we were lost avowed plan? The words of the noble Earl entirely in the clouds, and were amused by said in almost express terms, Fight the being led over no less than half-a-dozen battle among yourselves; and whichever different schemes. There we had set beparty wins, I declare for the winner." fore us, in the first place, the great adThe consequence was, that no sooner had vantages of countervailing duties. In the the words of the noble Earl escaped his commencement of his speech the noble lips than the parties out of doors began Earl's Colleague recommended his scheme the contest. The Anti-Corn-Law League of countervailing duties as a compensacame instantaneously into existence, and it tion for the burdens on real property, could not do otherwise, for it was a life- and the taxes by which land was overand-death struggle for their principles weighted. We were told that 7s. ought which was threatened, and to that struggle to be the amount of the countervailing they were urged on by the noble Lord. duty, but that 5s. might be taken as a The League came forward to defend the compromise. It was, however, represented policy which they knew would be attacked as a matter of some doubt whether even if there was a majority in the New Parlia- that amount of duty could be obtained; ment against them; whilst those favourable and we were told that, if that plan were to protection said, "Here is a chance for not successful, we must look to the dimius-we might have adopted the present nution of the burdens on land in another policy so long as we thought that it could point of view. There were 12,000,000%. not be reversed; but now, if we fight our of local taxation, and something was said, battle well, we may gain back all that we in addition, of the pressure of the malt tax. But of these 12,000,000l. of local taxa- | horse you intend to win. Now, he asked tion, represented as so burdensome on land, the noble Earl, who was not unacquainted or, rather, on real property, one-half was with that rule, whether he meant to win paid by houses, canals, railways, and other with his 5s. duty, or with the transfer of real property, and only the remaining half the burdens on agriculture to the manuby land as used for purely agricultural facturing classes? What proved the great purposes. But if you talk of adopting the uncertainty arising out of the declarations course of taking away these 6,000,000l. of Ministers on this subject was this-that which you represent as the burden on the out of five or six persons, who from their land, you will be under the necessity of long experience were supposed to know imposing it on other classes of the com- best the real meaning of words which fell munity: an alarm will soon spread among from Gentlemen in office, each has given a the manufacturing interests and all the different version of the import of their deproducing classes of the community who clarations. No two of them concur in are not producers of corn and other com- attributing the same meaning to their modities extracted from the land; while, on words; and yet they all say that it is the other side, hope will rise high among quite clear what Ministers intend, though the agricultural classes, and they will begin they differ toto cœlo in the explanation to claim that the repeal of the malt tax be of what they believe to be that inthrown into the bargain, inasmuch as the tention. Under such circumstances he same arguments apply to that impost as to thought that the noble Earl should put their other burdens. This, and more than five of these Gentlemen in the wrong, by this, was promised on the hustings at declaring himself what is the right meanAylesbury, at the commencement of the ing, if, indeed, he should not put all the right hon. Candidate. Hope became exu- six in the wrong by informing them that berant in every Buckinghamshire heart, they had none of them deciphered his ridwhile despair brooded sorrowfully in the dle. There was, however, another portion bosom of all unconnected with the agri- of the speech of the right hon. Member cultural interest. But what then came for Buckinghamshire which went much next from the right hon. Orator?" Oh! further than either of the propositions to I did not say that any measure of this kind which he had already referred. It was a will be brought forward. I did not, and I general attack on the commercial and do not, pledge the Government to any such financial policy of the late Sir Robert thing. These things are floating before Peel. It could not be deduced from the us; we don't say whether we will adopt speech of the noble Earl that he intended them or no. Before Parliament reassem- to reverse all the financial and commercial bles we will not say whether we will bring policy of that great statesman; but he had forward one or other of these schemes.' said that the recent alterations in the Now, if both, or if either, or if neither of navigation laws were injurious, and ought these schemes were to be adopted by the to be reversed, and that the alterations Government, still the country was entitled which had been made in the tariff in other to know it. The country was entitled to articles besides corn were unjust, and ought know, after the Parliament was elected, to undergo modification. Now, he (Lord whether the Government meant to propose Beaumont) thought that for the sake of prea protective duty on corn-he did not mean venting unnecessary agitation in the counthe exact amount, whether 5s. or 7s. ; but try, the noble Earl should come forward and whether it was the intention of the Govern-state plainly that even if he intended to rement to impose a protective duty on the importation of foreign corn. He declared that it was, in his opinion, incumbent upon the Government to tell the country whether they did or did not intend to propose a fixed duty on the importation of foreign corn before they dissolved Parliament. As they appeared to have several schemes in petto, they ought to tell us which scheme they intended to try first. On the turf, when you have two horses entered for the same race, you are generally called upon to declare with which Lord Beaumont verse the policy of Sir Robert Peel, it was not his intention to go beyond the article of corn. The great object he (Lord Beaumont) had in view in rising to put his question to the noble Earl was, that he might narrow as much as possible the subjects of agitation, and not derange and disorder more interests than was absolutely necessary. Now already, he maintained, the noble Earl had perfectly deranged and put out of order all the proceedings which were connected with the letting of land. He had been credibly informed that valua The tions to a considerable extent had been the same circumstances-if we were now suspended since the speech of the noble where we were in the commencement of Earl of the other night-that valuers had 1846, and had again to discuss the subject thought it advisable not to proceed further being in the same circumstances, he beuntil they knew whether a 5s., a 7s., or lieved he should find no reason to change any, or what amount of duty was to be his opinion. That which he then foresaw added as the increased value of the quar- had happened. He was at no time one of ter of foreign corn. He had further been those who denied that there would be both informed by persons who were employed evil and good resulting from that policy; in the drawing up of leases that several but he thought that the evil would greatly leases had also been suspended; that until preponderate; and of one thing he was this question was settled there would be a certain-that one of the two great interests difficulty in drawing up these leases; that of the country, then in apparent collision, some parties hesitated to enter into them must suffer, whatever might be the case until they knew the result, whilst other with the others. Since that time we had parties hesitated to give any lease at all had a fair experience of the new system, until they knew the result. He under- and he must say that what he then feared stood, moreover-in fact, he knew in- with regard to that interest had taken place. stances where the incoming and outgoing That portion of the agricultural interest tenants did not at present know exactly who were owners of land had been serious upon what basis to draw up their arrange- sufferers; and so long as the present policy ments, or agree on the compensation to existed, they must continue to bear the which the latter might be entitled. This, evils to which they were now subjected. of course, would be the natural conse- As to the occupiers of land, they also had quence of any idea prevailing that the suffered in consequence of that policy; but policy with respect to the corn law was to they had the means in their own hands of be changed. If the noble Earl said he adjusting their position, and subsequently thought it was for the interest of the coun- that adjustment had taken place. try that the corn laws should be altered, diminution of profits upon agricultural prohe (Lord Beaumont) would not lay to his duce had been gradually met by a reduccharge the disturbance which now existed tion of rent, and by a final loss to the in the way of these arrangements. It owners of the land. In many instances, was, in fact, naturally incident to any al- to his knowledge, rent had been permateration in the commercial policy of a nently reduced 25 per cent. In other innation; and would doubtless exist until stances where no reduction had taken place, those alterations were adopted as the per- an outlay had been made by the owners of manent law of the country. A declara-land which was quite equivalent to 25 per tion by the noble Earl that he intended to make any alterations, would not of course prevent the continuance of these derangements. But if, on the contrary, he stated that he did not intend to make any alteration, but to abide by the policy at present in existence-whatever his motives for adopting that course-at once he would quiet the country upon the subject, allow things to take their natural course, and prevent-no small advantage in itself-anybody building on the false hope that the policy adopted in the year 1846 was to be reversed. Whilst speaking of the policy of 1846, their Lordships would excuse him if he stopped to say a few words with regard to that subject personal to himself alone. When that policy was under their consideration, he (Lord Beaumont) firmly believed that that policy was a dangerous policy; and in conformity with that belief he acted with the noble Earl in endeavouring to oppose it. Under VOL. CXIX. [THIRD SERIES.] cent. But in either of these cases the occupier was not the sufferer. The owner of the land was the sufferer. He had made his arrangements with his occupiers upon the basis of the present value of their produce, instead of the old rate which ruled under the corn laws. Valuations had gone on throughout the country in consequence of the change, and the basis of these valuations was as between 5s. and 7s.; that was to say, that whereas valuers formerly took 7s. per bushel as the basis of their valuation, they now took 5s. per bushel as their basis. Of course, where this had been the case, the loss fell on the owner, and not on the occupier; and it was in vain to say that it was not a loss to the owner if the value of the produce of agriculture was diminished 25 per cent, or his income was diminished in the proportion of the difference between 7s. and 5s. Now, all this he (Lord Beaumont) foresaw at the time the change was proposed; and 2 K |