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terror prevailing among persons in his own sesses will not controvert my statementclass of life, that no gentleman went from that, from the first indication of this syshis house to ride through the country with- tem of outrage, commencing, I believe, out carrying arms in his pocket to meet about May, 1850, but proceeding to acts the persons who were prepared or hired to of a more aggravated character in the attack him. These outrages were not course of the subsequent year, in each confined to the night-in open day these stage of these proceedings the Governawful murders were perpetrated. Their ment has shown itself fully alive to the Lordships must also bear in mind that the importance of the duty which it had to people had been led to believe that these discharge. Upon every occasion, when murders were no murders when the unfor- communications have been made as to the tunate victim of them had previously re- insecurity of life and property from this sysceived three notices that it was the inten- tem of outrage, the Government promptly tion of his assailants to visit him. Such and immediately attended to every suggeswas the state of intimidation among the tion on the part of the local magistrates, higher classes in these districts, that gen- as to the mode in which assistance could tlemen going out to enjoy the pleasure of be most efficiently supplied. In an early hunting, were in the habit of carrying pis- stage of these violences it was the opinion tols with them throughout the day. It of the magistracy that it would be attendhad come to his knowledge that nine gen-ed with great effect if the local contlemen were recently standing together by the side of the cover, and that seven out of the nine had pistols in their pockets. Their Lordships could have no idea or conception of the reign of terror thus established in those districts. He hoped that the noble Marquess opposite would forgive him for asking whether Her Majesty's Government was acquainted with the extent of the distressing circumstances which he had just mentioned, and whether it was prepared to propose to the Legislature any measures to meet the evils which existed, as the common law had been proved incompetent to meet them, and as a special commission, for the first time in Ireland, had failed of its object?

I

The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE am not at all surprised, my Lords, that the noble Earl should have called the attention of the House to this subject. It is quite natural for him, himself an intelligent, humane, and benevolent landlord, to seek to know, as far as Government can inform him, what are the causes which threaten life and property, and what are the means in the hands of Government for securing landlords in the rights which undoubtedly belong to them. Not only the noble Earl, but every gentleman in that country, has a right to know whether, in a state of things so lamentable as he has described, and, I believe, justly described, the state of that portion of the country to be, the Government has been prompt to apply, and efficacious in the operation of the proper remedies, and whether the powers of the law have been and are sufficient for their protection. I can say-and the information which the noble Earl pos

stabulary should be increased. No time was lost in detaching to those parts where these outrages had been committed such a number of constables as the magistrates deemed sufficient for the protection of life and property, and I believe that in many cases this has acted beneficially. In the present instance it was submitted that a special commission should be sent down by the Government, for the purpose of administering speedy and effectual justice in the disturbed districts; and when your Lordships consider how this commission was constituted-that there was placed at the head of it one of the most able, enlightened and experienced Judges that ever sat on the Irish Bench-that he conducted his duties with the greatest ability, and that he was supported by the law officers of the Crown, and others most able in the discharge of their duties, you will not think that that portion of the duties of the Government has been in any respect neglected. That that Commission has not, however, effected all that it was intended to do, I am with sorrow compelled to confess; but because, from causes into which I shall not enter, but upon which some conjecture may be formed, one or two trials have not been successful-for it must be remembered there have been convictions obtained, which, I am told, will be of great importance-I am not, therefore, prepared to admit at once the entire failure of the law, or that it has been shown that extraordinary measures ought to be submitted to Parliament, until at least all legal means of repression at the disposal of the Government have been exhausted. Fresh measures, consistent with the law and the

existing state of the constitution, are being | and his brother magistrates on the subject. taken for the vindication of justice; and, There will be an opportunity, in the course from information which has reached me of the present Session of Parliament, for from parties deeply concerned, I feel fully considering the point; for in the present justified in saying that the great object state of things there will be good ground sought for will be attained. I am not, for considering the expediency of renewtherefore, disposed to admit that, until all ing the Crime and Outrage Bill, and it will those means are exhausted, any measures be for Parliament then to consider whether inconsistent with the general principles of any more expedient provision can be introthe constitution, ought to be adopted by duced into that Bill-a Bill which, I may Parliament. I am ready, however, to de- say, has been found most advantageous in clare that if all those should fail, then it other parts of Ireland, and in the south will be the first duty of the Government more particularly, has been attended with and of Parliament to consider how, by any a success most remarkable. I do not, means, life and property can be secured, therefore, despair that that Bill, as it now because I take that to be the first duty of stands, may ultimately effect those objects all Government, and the end of all laws, which all must so anxiously desire. whether constitutional or of any other description, all being intended for that great and legitimate end. I hope that Government will not be pressed at this moment to propose any extraordinary measures, since Parliament will be able to watch the working of those legal means which are now being taken; and, above all, as it will be the duty of Government to take care that in those districts where by the criminal connivance of some, and the intimidation of others, all feeling of security has been destroyed, no advantage, pecuniary or otherwise, shall accrue to any person connected with that system of outrage, and equally guilty with the actual perpetrators by their connivance. But this disposition on the part of the Government will require the concurrence of the Irish landlords, and they must think it their duty, as well as that of the Government, to see that those deluded persons shall not be placed in a position to suppose that, by any acts of theirs, subversive of law and order, they have attained the objects they sought for. It can only be by the determined concurrence of the Government, and those employed by it, with the proprietors of the soil, that a conviction can be forced upon these persons that no benefit will ever be ultimately obtained from the system of barbarous vengeance in which they have been engaged. With regard to the future, I trust the noble Earl will keep his attention alive to this subject. I can assure him that the Government of Ireland -ay, and of the country too-is awake to its importance, and will be anxiously watching from day to day the progress, and in devising the means of repression of these outrages. In the meanwhile, we shall be glad to receive from, and attend to, any communication from the noble Earl The Marquess of Lansdowne

The MARQUESs of LONDONDERRY, who was very indistinctly heard, said he had listened with the greatest respect and deference to what had fallen from the noble Marquess, and could assure him that with many parts of his statement he entirely concurred. But having last year been much in Ireland, he wished, in a few words, to give his opinion of the state of the country. He regretted to say that in the north of Ireland, which had hitherto been one of the most peaceful and industrious districts, there had been instances of the most barbarous murder, the houses being attacked, and the lives attempted of persons who had been the greatest promoters of the comfort and well-being of the population. What was the cause of that unfortunate state of things? He very much feared it was owing to the agitation which had raged on the subject of tenantright; and he thought, if we had been able to arrest the influence of the clergy in the north as well as the influence which had been exercised by the clergy in the south, a great portion of these deluded people would not have been led astray, and would not now form the nucleus of lawless combinations and associations. Though there had lately been a diminution of the cry of tenant-right, their Lordships would find that it was still one of the greatest evils with which they had to contend. Until lately his own tenantry had been amongst the most attached and best affected in all Ireland; but he was sorry to say that the principle of the prevalent mischievous agitation had found its way amongst them, as well as amongst the tenantry of many other landlords. He had every reason to believe that the Tenant Right Association would take very much the character of the Ribbon organisation. Independent of these

particular associations, however, he was ready to acknowledge that his own tenantry were generally in a better disposed state than they were last year. A combination existed for the purpose of compelling landlords to reduce their rents; and he regretted to say that clergymen were found making inflammatory speeches instigating the people to agitation. The consequence was intimidation to so great an extent that the agents in many parts of Ireland were unable to perform their duty to their employers; and he believed it was pretty well known that the agents to estates were not able to get an insurance upon their lives. The noble Marquess was understood to conclude by complimenting Lord Clarendon on the anxiety and activity he displayed to preserve the peace in Ireland.

that that part of the Act would not in this case be relied upon, but that, on the contrary, it would be repealed. He had only another remark to make. He was afraid that what had fallen from the noble Marquess relative to the Irish landlords was liable to misconstruction. The noble Marquess had expressed a wish that the landlords of Ireland would co-operate with the Government in promoting the restoration of peace in Ireland. Now, he was aware that the noble Marquess was a model landlord, and he was perfectly sure that every one connected with the land in Ireland entertained the same feelings on this subject as the noble Marquess himself did. But it ought to be remembered that all offences which had lately taken place had been directed either against landlords or The MARQUESS of WESTMEATH hoped their immediate connexions, and that in no that when the Government was devising one instance had they been the instigators the measures it intended to propose, it of crime. He thought it right to make would bear in mind that the "Ribbon" these remarks, because it might have apsystem was not a partial thing, and that it peared from what the noble Marquess had had been going on for years in Ireland. said, that he had been reading a lecture to It was a well-known fact from the history the Irish landlords with regard to their of Europe, that a very small body of in-duty on this subject, whereas he was sure dividuals combined together could do a the noble Marquess could have had no such very great amount of mischief; and he intention. The parties who had suffered hoped the Government would remember that the system of agrarian outrage in Ireland was kept up by a comparatively small knot of agitators, who involved large masses of the people in their lawless confederacy against their own consent. If it adopted any measures at all against that The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE was association, it must adopt measures of a glad that the noble Marquess had given rigorous character. But there was one him an opportunity of explaining any remedy which formed part of the Crime obscurity that might have attached to the and Outrage Act which he hoped would language he had used with respect to the not be adopted-he referred to the system Irish landlords. What he meant to have of quartering the police force which was said was, in speaking of the importance of sent to quell disturbances upon the imme- the duty which the Irish landlords had to diate district or locality where the out-perform, that he hoped that, in concurrages took place. This might be a very good remedy in ordinary circumstances, but it was not all suited to the present condition of Ireland; for it was one of the greatest calamities of the present state of things in that country that strangers came into a district for the purpose of committing outrages in which the inhabitants of that district had no share, and when those outrages were committed, at once disappeared; in fact, those districts were the greatest sufferers from these outrages; and, if the system were adopted of quartering a police upon them, it would only be adding another calamity to those which had already been inflicted upon them. He trusted therefore

had only put in force the ordinary remedies of the law where rents had for years and years remained unpaid, and where their land had been occupied against their wish; and for taking the mildest remedy, they received notice that they would be shot.

rence with Government, they would take care that the instigators of the criminal proceedings, and the persons who gave them countenance, should not derive, nor appear to derive, any benefit from the perpetration of those outrages; and that even where rents had been reduced, a suspension of that reduction ought to take place, if it should appear that those reductions were sought to be continued by intimidation.

The EARL of RODEN could not avoid expressing his regret that Her Majesty's Government were not prepared to take strong measures to remedy so urgent a state of things as existed in Ireland. At

the same time, he gave them every credit would not forget to include the means of for their feelings on the subject, and he trust-watching and checking the proceedings of ed it would be found in the end that they the Tenant League meetings.

But he

trusted that the Irish landlords would use

House adjourned to Thursday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Tuesday, February 10, 1852. MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-1° Enfranchisement of Copyholds.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (IRELAND).
MR. KEOGH begged to ask the noble
Lord at the head of the Government,

the Irish franchise would be included in

franchise? He thought it very important that Ireland should be included in the same Bill with England; and the course which he and other Members were likely to take respect to this measure would depend very much upon the purport of the noble Lord's answer upon this point.

with

were right, and that he was wrong. must say, that unless they took measures to strike at the root of the Ribbon system -for the system was not confined to any particular counties, but extended throughout all Ireland-they would do little or nothing to put it down. He was glad that the noble Marquess had had an opportunity of explaining what had been said about the Irish landlords; for, certainly, without this explanation, a very different impression of his remarks might have gone forth to the public. He (the Earl of Roden) every effort, in conjunction with the Go-whether provisions for the extension of vernment he meant, of course, when the measure for reforming the English they acted rightly and promptly-to combat the evils complained of, and to assist in giving confidence and security to the people at large. He was perfectly sure that such was their object and desire. He trusted, above all, that they would not allow themselves to be intimidated, and that, even at the risk of their lives, they would remain at their posts, in order to maintain the honour and credit of Her Majesty's subjects. He earnestly trusted, also, that whatever measures the Government adopted would be found effectual, and he should feel it to be his duty to watch them, in order to see whether they were so. He would defer saying anything more on the subject until he saw how things went on in Ireland; and, therefore, he would not now name the day for bringing the subject more at large before their Lordships; but he freely confessed that he thought, from what he heard and saw, that things would grow worse, and that the time was not far distant when the Go vernment would be sorry that they had not sooner adopted strong measures to prevent the continued effusion of innocent blood.

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LORD JOHN RUSSELL said, that the extension of the Irish Parliamentary franchise would be provided for by a distinct Bill; but there were some parts of the

Bill for leave to introduce which he moved that relating to the Oaths to be taken by on the previous evening-for instance,

Members of that House-which would apply to Ireland as well as to England.

LAW OF SETTLEMENT.

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON wished to ask the right hon. President of the Poor Law Board whether he intended in the course of the present Session to bring forward any measure for amending the Law of Settlement?

MR. BAINES said, that the arrangements already made for the conduct of the public business in that House, would, he apprehended, prevent his introducing a Bill on this subject early in the Session. The Government, and no member of it more than himself, were fully aware of the importance of the subject, and of the necessity, daily becoming more evident, of introducing some material change in the Law of Settlement; and if it appeared in the course of the Session that there was any possibility of legislating on the subject, he was authorised to state that the Government would be prepared to introduce a measure.

EXPULSION OF BRITISH SUBJECTS

FROM HUNGARY.

MR. CHISHOLM ANSTEY wished to put a question of which he had given notice to the noble Lord at the head of the Government. It had been stated that British subjects of great respectability (including a Protestant clergyman), who had been residing in Hungary for ten years, during which it was a Protestant country, and latterly under the protection of the Austrian constitution, which secures liberty of conscience to all, had been, by an arbitrary order of the Cabinet of Vienna, compelled to quit their residence at Pesth and the Austrian territories within six days. To comply with this order, they were compelled to make large sacrifices of property, and to expose their families, many of the members of which were of tender age, to the hardship of a long and painful route at an inclement season of the year. No charge had been brought against them affecting their loyalty to the Government under which they lived, and they had the highest testimonials of approbation from their spiritual superiors at home, the Free Church of Scotland. He wished to know whether, supposing the Austrian law of domicile to be as he had assumed it, and the facts which he had stated to be true, the Government had taken any, and, if so, what measures, to procure from the Cabinet of Vienna satisfaction for this gross violation of national right?

LORD JOHN RUSSELL said, that, although the hon. and learned Member had given notice of this question, he was not aware that he had intended to bring it forward on that day, and he was therefore not then prepared to answer it. He would make inquiries on the subject, and answer the question on a future day; but at present he believed that his noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had no means of answering the question.

TENANT RIGHT (IRELAND). MR. SHARMAN CRAWFORD begged to move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the better securing and regulating the custom of Tenant Right as practised in the province of Ulster, and to secure compensation to improving tenants who may not make claim under the said custom, and to limit the power of eviction in certain cases. At the close of the last Session he was invited to call a meeting of Members of Parliament and other persons interested in the subject in Dublin during

334 the recess, to a conference for the purpose of considering whether some measure could not be adopted on this subject which would receive general concurrence. Such a conference was accordingly held, when the Bill which he had introduced in 1850 was considered, and an agreement was entered into by the gentlemen present to support that measure, with certain alterations that were then determined upon. Since that time there had been various public meetings in all parts of Ireland, which, so far as he knew, had unanimously approved of the Bill, which it was believed would meet the views and objects of the tenantry of Ireland. He therefore felt himself in a position to declare to that House what were the grievances of which the Irish people complained, and lay before them in a substantive measure the remedies to which that people looked forward. He was about to propose a Bill avowedly for the protection of the tenant's rights, but he did not wish it to be considered merely as such; for his view was, that no measure ought to be proposed which would not also respect and protect the rights of landlords, of whom he was one. The rights of landlords were at present in a most unsatisfactory state in Ireland; in some parts there was an agrarian combination which put those rights in abeyance; and generally over Ireland a landlord could not feel himself in a position to enforce to the full extent what he might consider his just rights. The reason of this state of things was, that the rights of landlords were not placed upon a just footing; the people felt that injustice was committed towards them by the authority of landlords, and therefore there was a disposition on the part of the people at large to oppose landlords even in their just rights. He (Mr. S. Crawford) wished to secure the landlord's rights by placing them on a just footing. The grievance now complained of was not new. Sir John Davies, writing in the reign of James I., speaking of the condition of the Irish people under English rule, after the Conquest, described the various exactions levied from the tenant at the will of the lord, all which, he said, made the lord an absolute tyrant, and the tenant a very slave :

"And in one respect more miserable than bond slaves, for commonly the bond slave is fed by his lord; but here the lord was fed by his bond slave, and this made the land waste and the people idle; and hereupon, of necessity, came depopulation, banishment, and extirpation, and such as remained became idlers and lookers-on; and this oppression did of force and necessity

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