us.

that justice shall be done: I hope and trust it will be! I made this war, which has proved so fatal to my country, that the treaty entered into a long time ago, with father WASHINGTON, might not be broken. To his friendly arm I hold fast. I will never break that bright chain of friendship we made together, and which bound us to stand to the U. States. He was a father to the Muscogee people; and not only to them, but to all the people beneath the sun. His talk I now hold in my hand. There sits the agent he sent among Never has he broken the treaty. He has lived with us a long time. He has seen our children born, who now have children. By his direction, cloth was wove, and clothes were made, and spread through our country; but the RED STICKS came, and destroyed all; we have none now. Hard is our situation; and you ought to consider it. I state what all the nation knows: nothing will I keep secret.-There stands the little warrior. While we were seeking to give satisfaction for the murders that had been committed, he proved a mischief-maker; he went to the British on the lakes; he came back, and brought a package to the frontiers, which increased the murders here. This conduct has already made the war party to suffer greatly; but, although almost destroyed, they will not yet open their eyes, but are still led away by the British at Pensacola. Not so with us. We were rational, and had our We yet are so. In the war of the revolution, our father beyond the waters encouraged us to join him, and we did so. We had no sense then. The promises he made were never kept. We were young and foolish, and fought with him. The British can no more persuade us to do wrong. They have deceived us once, and can do it no more. You are two great people. If you go to war, we will have no concern in it; for we are not able to fight. We wish to be at peace with every nation. If they offer me arms, I will say to them, You put me in danger, to war against a people born in our own land. They shall never force us into danger. You shall never see that our chiefs are boys in council, who will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that father WASHINGTON advised us never to interfere in wars. He told us that those in peace were the happiest people. He told us, that if an enemy attacked him, he had warriors enough, and did not wish his red children to help him. If the British advise us to any thing, I will tell you—not hide it from you. If they say we must fight, I will tell them, No."

senses.

He had previously spoken of the causes of the war, and of the sufferings it had brought upon them, but asked indulgence from compassion. The fine tract of country, now the state of Alabama, was argued for by Shelokta, another famous chief, who had large claims on the whites, but Jackson would not concede. This chief had rendered them the greatest services in the war, and appealed to Jackson's feelings, by portraying the dangers they had passed together, and his faithfulness to him in the most trying scenes; but all availed nothing.

BIG WARRIOR was a conspicuous chief for many years. In 1821, one of his nation undertook to accompany a Mr. Lucas as a guide, and killed him by the way. Complaint was immediately made to Big-warrior, who ordered him to be executed without delay. In 1824 he was the most noted among the opposers of the missionaries. In this it was thought he was influenced by the Indian agents, which opinion was perhaps strengthened from the fact that a sub-agent, Captain Walker, had married his daughter. He was head chief of the nation when General M'Intosh forfeited his life by breaking the law of the nation in selling a part of the Creek country. The troubles of his nation having brought him to Washington, at the head of a delegation, he fell sick and died there, 8 March, 1825.* He was a man of colossal stature, and pro portionate physical powers; and it is said "his mind was as colossal as his body," and that he had done much towards improving the condition of his countrymen. He had a son named Tuskehenaha.

Niles Register, xxviii. 48.-By a passage in the report of a committee of congress> the Creek affairs in 1827, it would seem that Big-warrior died as early as February.

35

CHAPTER VII.

Grounds of the Seminole War-Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood--Just ness of the War-NEAMATHLA deposed-Treaties-Of Moultrie Creek-Payne's Landing-Council at Camp King-Is broken up by OSCEOLA-It is renewed, and a party agree to emigrate OSCEOLA's opposition-Is seized and put in ironsFeigns a submission and is released-Executes an agreement to comply with he demands of the whites-The physical condition of the Indians.

HAVING, in a former chapter of this our fourth book, given many of the necessary particulars for a right understanding of the former Florida war, it will not be necessary here to repeat the same, and we shall, therefore, proceed at once to a notice of the grounds of the present war with the Indians in that region.

It has been formerly said, that nearly all the Indian wars have the same origin; and, on attentively examining the subject, it will be found that the remark has much of truth in it. The Seminoles of Florida have been found quite different from what they had been supposed. Every body had consi ered them a mere outcast remnant, too much enfeebled by their proximity to the whites, to be in the least dreaded in a war. Indeed, such conclusion was in perfect accordance with the accounts which were circulated among intelligent people; but the truth seems to be, people have always been misinformed on the subject, owing chiefly to the ignorance of their informers. Nor is it strange that misinformation should be circulated, when it is considered that the very agents who lived among them, and those who made treaties with them, could not give any satisfactory account as to their numbers or other circumstances. General Jackson, in 1817 and 18, made an easy matter of ravaging a part of Florida. His being opposed but by very few Indians, led to the belief that there were but few in the country. The war of 1814 was then too fresh in their recollections to suffer them to adventure too much, and the probability is, that but few could be prevailed upon to join in a war again so soon. Hence, one of two conclusions must now evidently be fixed upon,either that the Seminole Indians were much more numerous, 20 years ago, than what was supposed, or that they have increased very considerably within that time. For my part, I am convinced that both conclusions are correct.

When we are told, that at such a time, and such a place, commissioners of the United States government met a delegation of the principal chiefs of the Southern Indians, and made a treaty, the articles of which were satisfactory to the Indians, two or three queries present themselves for solution; as, by what means have the chiefs been got together; what other chiefs and principal men are there belonging to such a nation, who did not participate in the business of the treaty. Anxious to effect their object, commissioners have sometimes practised unwarrantable means to obtain it; especially in encouraging sales of territory by a minority of chiefs, or gaining their consent to a removal by presents.

In the early part of the present war, the number of Seminole warriors was reckoned, by persons upon the spot, at 2000; but they have generally, since that period, been rated higher. But it is my opinion, that 2000 able men, led by such a chief as Osceola has proved himself to be, are amply sufficient to do all that has been done on the part of the Indians in Florida, in 1835 and 6.

There can be but one opinion, among discerning people, of the justness of the present war, as it appears to me; nevertheless, however unjustly created, on the part of the whites, the most efficient measures should have been taken. in its earliest stages, for its suppression; because, the sooner it is ended, the fewer will be the sacrifices of lives; to say nothing of the concomitant sufferings of individuals, and destructions of property. It has been frequently asked, what the executive and the congress of the nation have been about all this time! A few soldiers have been sent to Florida at a time; some have been cut off, and the services of others rendered abortive, by some childish bickerings among their officers about "precedency of rank." But whose fault

it is that those officers should have been there under commissions o instructions of such nature is to set them in such an awkward positi in respect to each other, I will not take upon me to state, the facts being of sufficient notoriety.

A writer has given the following facts relative to the Seminoles recently, and, as they are suited to my course of remarks, I give them in his own words:"Shortly after the cession, [of Florida to the U. S.] a treaty was made by which the Seminoles consented to relinquish by far the better part of their lands, and retire to the centre of the peninsula, a quarter consisting for the most part of pine barrens of the worst description, and terminating towards the south in unexplored and impassable marshes. When the time came for the execution of the treaty, old Neha Mathla, the head of the tribe, thought it savored too much of the cunning and whiskey of the white man, and summoned his warriors to resist it. Gov. Duval, who succeeded Gen. Jackson in the chief magistracy of this territory, broke in upon his war council, deposed the war leaders, and elevated the peace party to the chieftaincies. The Seminoles retired peaceably to the territory assigned them, and old Neha Mathla retired to the Creeks, by whom he was raised to the dignity of a chief."

The next event of considerable moment in the history of the Seminoles, is the treaty of Payne's Landing. Of this affair I am able to speak in the language of the principal agent in it, on the part of the whites. The individual to whom I refer, General Wiley Thompson, will be particularly noticed hereafter, from the melancholy fate which he met in the progress of this war.

I have, in a previous chapter, spoken of the treaty at Moultrie Creek; but,' before going into the particulars of that at Payne's Landing, it will be necessary to make a few additional observations. The Indians who consented to that treaty, by such consent agreed "to come under the protection of the U. States, to give up their possessions, and remove to certain restricted boundaries in the territory, the extreme point of which was not to be nearer than 15 miles to the sea coast of the Gulf of Mexico. For any losses to which they night be subjected by their removal, the government agreed to make liberal donations, also to provide implements of husbandry, schools, &c., and pay an annuity of 5000 dollars for 20 years; besides which there were presents of corn, meat, &c. &c. It was required of the Indians that they should prevent absconding slaves from taking refuge among them, and they were to use all proper cxer tions to apprehend and deliver the same to their proper owners."

Our account next goes on to state, that the harmony which existed at the conclusion of this treaty was very great, and that the Indians were so well satisfied with its provisions, "that they had a clause expressly inserted, by which the United States agent, Major Gad. Humphreys, and the interpreter, Richards, were to have each one mile square, in fee simple, as a mark of the confidence they reposed in these officers of the government."

Before this treaty was carried into effect, the Indians were intruded upon, and they gradually began to be rather slow in the delivery of the runaway negroes. Clamors were therefore loud against them, and difficulties followed, in quick succession, for several years. At length it was determined that the Seminoles should be, somehow or other, got out of Florida, and the treaty of Payne's Landing was got up for this object.

Accordingly, in 1832, on the 9th of May, a treaty was entered into "on Ocklawaha River, known by the name of the treaty of Payne's Landing, by which they stipulated to relinquish all their possessions in Florida, and emigrate to the country allotted to the Creeks, west of the Mississippi; in consideration of which the government was to pay 15,400 dollars, on their arrival at their new home, and give to each of the warriors, women and children one blanket and one homespun frock. The whole removal was stipulated to take place within three years after the ratification."

What object the government could have had in view by stipulating that the Indians should deliver into its hands all their cattle and horses, previous to their emigration, I know not, unless it was the intention of its agents to speculate in stocks; or perhaps the mode by which the Indians were to he transported would not admit of their being transported with theru. Be this

as it might, we shall see that this stock affair was among the beginning of the sparks of wir.

It appears that between 1832 and 1834, it had become very apparent that no removal was intended by the Indians; and it was equally apparent that those who had engaged a removal for the nation, were not the first people in it, and, consequently, a difficulty would ensue, let the matter be urged when it would. General Thompson was the government agent in Florida, and he (whether with advice or without, I am not informed) thought it best to have a talk with some of the real head men of the nation, upon the subject of removal, which he effected about a year before the time of removal expired, namely, in the fall of 1834.

Meanwhile, the chief who had been put in the place of Neamathla, by Governor Duval, had been executed, by some of the nation, for adhering to the whites, and advocating a removai beyond the Mississippi. The name of the chief executed upon this account was Hicks. To him succeeded one named Charles, or, as he is sometimes called, Charles Omathla, and he shared the same fate not long after. Nine warriors came into his council, and learning that he insisted upon a removal, shot nine bullets through his heart! No more doubtful characters were now raised to the chieftaincy, but a warrior, named Louis, well known for his hostility to the whites, was made chief.

In the council which General Thompson got together for the purpose of holding a talk, as has been remarked, appeared OSCEOLA, and several other distinguished chiefs. This council was held at Fort King, and was opened by General Thompson in a considerable speech, wherein he endeavored to convince the Indians of the necessity of a speedy removal; urging, at the same time, that their own safety, as well as that of their property, required it; and requested their answer to the subject of his discourse, which he presented in form of propositions. "The Indians retired to private council, to discuss the subject, when the present young and daring chief Aceola (Powell) [OSCEOLA] addressed the council, in an animated strain, against emigration, and said that any one who should dare to recommend it should be looked upon as an enemy, and held responsible to the nation. There was something in his manner so impressive and bold, that it alarmed the timid of the council; and it was agreed, in private talk, that the treaty should be resisted. When this was made known to the agent, he made them a long and eloquent harangue, setting forth the dangers that surrounded them if they were subjected to the laws of the pale faces, where a red man's word would not be taken; that the whites might make false charges against them, and deprive them of their negroes, horses, lands, &c. All this time Aceola was sitting by, begging the chiefs to remain firm." When this was finished, a chief, named

"HOLATEE MIco, said the great Spirit made them all-they had come from one woman-and he hoped they would not quarrel, but talk until they got through." The next chief who spoke was named

MICANOPEE. He was the king of the nation. All he is reported to have said was, that he had no intention to remove. "POWELL then told the agent he had the decision of the chiefs, and that the council was broken up. In a private talk, an old chief said he had heard much of his great father's regard for his red children. It had come upon his ears, but had gone through then; he wanted to see it with his eyes;-that he took land from other red skins to pay them for theirs, and by and by he would take that also. The white skins had forked tongues, and hawks' fingers; that David Blount told him the people in the great city made an Indian out of paint, and then sent after him and took his lands, (alluding to the likenesses of the chiefs, in the war department, at Washington.) He wanted, he said, to sleep in the same land with his fathers, and wished his children to sleep by his side.”

The plea set up, that Spain cede? Florida to the United States in 1819, without any provision for those Indians, need only to be noticed to show its absurdity. It is worthy of remark, that when the right of the Seminoles to the lands of Florida was talked about, the idea was derided by many influential men; but when such persons desired to take possession of some of the territory, they seemed more inclined to acknowledge the Indians' rights by agreeing to pay them for them, than of exercising either their own right, or that

of the United States, by taking unceremonious possession. This can be accounted for in the same way that we account for one's buying an article that he desires, because he dares not take it without.

When a removal was first urged upon the Seminole Indians, their chiefs said, "Let us see what kind of a country this is of which you talk, then if we like it, it is time enough to exchange ours for it." But it is said, the government agent had no authority to authorize a deputation of Indians to visit the promised land, and here the matter rested awhile.

How long after this it was, I shall not undertake to state, that the Indians made known their desire of exchanging their country; but this was said to have been the fact, and the result was the treaty of Payne's Landing, already described.

It appears that General Thompson, nothing discouraged at the result of the council which had been terminated by the wisdom of Osceola, without the slightest concurrence in any of his measures, by unceasing efforts had prevailed upon a considerable number of "chiefs and sub-chiefs to meet him afterwards and execute a writing, agreeing to comply with the treaty of 1832.” This was evidently done without Osceola's consent, but its being done by some whom he had considered his partisans, irritated him exceedingly. He now saw that in spite of all he could do or say, the whites would get terms of agreement of some of the Indians; enough, at least, for a pretence for their designs of a removal.

In this state of things, Osceola remonstrated strongly with the agent for thus taking the advantage of a few of his people, who doubtless were under much greater obligation to him than to the people of the United States. Remonstrance soon grew into altercation, which ended in a ruse de guerre, by which Osceola was made prisoner by the agent, and put in irons, in which situation he was kept one night and part of two days.

Here then we see the origin of Osceola's strong hatred to General Thompson. While lying in chains he no doubt came to the fixed resolution to resist the whites to his utmost ability, and therefore, with perfect command over himself, dissembled his indignation, and deceived the agent by a pretended compliance with his demands. The better to blind the whites, he not only promised to sign the submission which he had so strongly objected to, but promised that his friends should do so, at a stated time; and his word was kept with the strictest accuracy. He came to Fort King with 79 of his people, men, women, and children, and then the signing took place. This punctuality, accompanied with the most perfect dissimulation, had the effect that the chief intended it should-the dissipation of all the fears of the whites. These transactions were in the end of May and beginning of June, 1835.

Thus we have arrived very near the period of open hostilities and bloodshed; but before proceeding in the details of these sanguinary events, it may not be improper to pause a moment in reviewing some of the matters already touched upon. The first to which the attention is naturally called, is so prominent as scarcely to need being presented, but I cannot refrain asking attention to a comparison between the number of "chiefs and sub-chiefs, (which was SIXTEEN) who on the 23 April, 1835, agreed to "acknowledge the validity of the treaty of 9 May, 1832," and the number of warriors and chiefs now in open hostility. These have not been rated below 2000 able men. Does any body suppose that those 16 "chiefs and sub-chiefs,” (ainong whom was not the "king of the nation" nor Osceola,) had full power to act for 2000 warriors on so extraordinary an occasion? The question, in my mind, need only be stated; especially when it is considered how ignorant every body was of the actual force of these Indians.

It will doubtless be asked, how it happens that the Indians of Florida, who, a few years since, were kept from starving by an appropriation of congress, should now be able to maintain themselves so comfortably in their fastnesses. The truth undoubtedly is, that the "starving Indians” were those then lately forced down into the peninsula, who had not yet learned the resources of the country; for not much has been said about the "starving Indians of Florida' for several years past.

In addition to the great amount of cattle, hogs, corn, grain, &c. takes