soon discovered, one of whom was leading an English prisoner. They discovered the English scout, and fled. James and Elizer pursued them, and recovered the prisoner, whose name was Christopher Muchin, who had been taken from Marlborough. James also took one of the enemy's guns.*

The English having, by means of spies, as in the preceding life we have stated, learned the state of feeling among their enemies, felt themselves prepared, as the spring of 1676 advanced, to make overtures to them for peace, or an exchange of prisoners, or both, as they might be found inclined. TOM NEPANET was fixed upon as plenipotentiary in this business. And, although unjustly suffering with many of his brethren upon a bleak island in Boston harbor, consented, at the imminent risk of his life, to proceed to meet the Indians in the western wilderness, in the service, and for the benefit, of those who had caused his sufferings.

Nepanet set out, 3 April, 1676, to make overtures to the enemy for the release of prisoners, especially the family of Mr. Rowlandson, which was taken at Lancaster, returned on the 12 following, with a written answer from the enemy, saying, "We nou give answer by this one man, but if you like my answer sent one more man besides this one Tom Nepanet, and send with all true heart and with all your mind by two men; because you know and we know your heart great sorrowful with crying for your lost many many hundred man and all your house and all your iand and woman child and cattle as all your thing that you have lost and on your backside stand.

At the same time, and I conclude in the same letter, they wrote a few words to others, as follows: "Mr. Rowlandson, your wife and all your child is well but one dye. Your sister is well and her 3 child. John Kittell, your wife and all your child is all well, and all them prisoners taken at Nashua is all well.

Mr. Rowlandson, se your loving sister his hand ✪ Hanah.

And old Kettel wif his hand.

+

Brother Rowlandson, pray send thre pound of Tobacco for me, if you can my loving husband pray send thre pound of tobacco for me.

"This writing by your enemies–Šamuel Úskattuhgun and Gunrashit, two Indian sagamores.”

Mrs. Rowlandson, in her account of "The Sixteenth Remove," relates, that when they had waded over Baquaug† River, "Quickly there came up to us an Indian who informed them that I must go to Wachuset to my master, for there was a letter come from the council to the saggamores about redeeming the captives, and that there would be another in 14 days, and that I must be there ready." This was doubtless after the letter just recorded had been sent to the English. "About two days after," Mrs. R. continues, "came a company of Indians to us, near 30, all on horseback. My heart skipt within me, thinking they had been Englishmen, at the first sight of them: For they were dressed in English apparel, with hats, white neck-cloths, and sashes about their waists, and ribbons upon their shoulders. But when they came near, there was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians, and the foul looks of those heathen, which much damped my spirits again." §

Having, after great distress, arrived at Wachuset, our authoress ad "Then came Tom and Peter with the second letter from the council, about the captives." "I asked them how my husband did, and all my friends and

*Gookin's MS. Hist. Christian Indians. t Or Payquage, now Miller's River.

Northfield and Montague.

Narrative of her Captivity, 59.

Its confluence with the Connecticut is between

Ibid. 60. The regimentals in which they were now tricked out, were probably taken from the English whom they had killed in battle.

acquaintance. They said they were well, but very melancholy." They brought her two biscuits and a pound of tobacco. The tobacco she gave to the Indians, and, when it was all gone, one threatened her because she had no more to give; probably not believing her. She told him when her husband came, she would give him some. "Hang him, rogue, says he, 1 will knock out his brains, if he comes here." "Again, at the same breath, they would say, if there should come an hundred without guns they would do them no hurt. So unstable and like madmen they were. There had been something talked about Mr. Rowlandson's going himself to ransom Lis wife, but she says she dared not send for him, " for there was little more trist to them than to the master they served." *

Nepanet learned by the enemy that they lost in the fight when Capt. Peirse was killed, "scores of their men that sabbath day."†

As they refused to treat with Tom Nepanet alone, Peter Conway was joined with him on a second expedition, as we have seen, which led to several others, to which some English ventured to add themselves, which resulted in the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson and several others.

"When the letter was come, (says Mrs. R.), the saggamores met to consult about the captives, and called me to them, to inquire how much my husband would give to redeem me: When I came and sat down among them, as I was wont to do, as their manner is: Then they bid me stand up, and said they were the general court. They bid me speak what I thought he would give. Now knowing that all that we had was destroyed by the Indians, I was in a great strait." She ventured, however, to say £20, and Tom and Peter bore the offer to Boston.

Of their return the same writer proceeds: "On a sabbath day, the sun being about an hour high in the afternoon, came Mr John Hoar, (the counci permitting him, and his own forward spirit inclining him,) together with the two fore-inentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the third letter from the council. When they came near, I was abroad; they presently called me in, and bid me sit down, and not stir. Then they catched up their guns and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the guns went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, and asked them what was the matter. I told them I thought they had killed the Englishman; (for they had in the mean time told me that an Englishman had come ;) they said, No, they shot over his horse, and under, and before his horse, and they pushed him this way and that way, at their pleasure, SHOWING HIM WHAT THEY COULD DO." § They would not at first suffer her to see Mr. Hoar, but when they had gratified their tantalizing whim sufficiently, she was permitted to see him. He brought her a pound of tobacco, which she sold for nine shillings. "The next morning, Mr. Hoar invited the saggamores to dinner; but when we went to get it ready, we found they had stolen the greatest part of the provisjons Mr. Hoar had brought. And we may see the wonderful power of God, in that one passage, in that, when there was such a number of them together, and so greedy of a little good food, and no English there but Mr. Hoar and myself, that there they did not knock us on the head, and take what we had; there being not only some provision, but also trading cloth, a part of the 20 pounds agreed upon: But instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of the fact, and said it was the matchit [bad] Indians that did it." ||

It is now certain that this negotiation was the immediate cause of their final overthrow. For before this time the Pokanokets and Narragansetts went hand in hand against their common enemy, and they were the most powerful tribes. This parleying with the English was so detestable to Philip, that a separation took place among these tribes in consequence, and he and the Narragansets separated themselves from the Nipmuks, and other inland tribes, and went off to their own country. This was the reason they wers so easily subdued after the separation took place.

* Narrative of her Captivity, 64, 66. Narrative, ut supra, 65.

Ibid. 71, 72.

+ Manuscripts of Rev. J. Cotton. Ibid. 72, 73.

It was brough Nepanet's means that a party of English, under Captain Henchman, were enabled to surprise a body of his countrymen at Weshakom Ponds near Lancaster, 30 May, 1676. Following in a track pointed out by Nepanet, the Indians were fallen upon while fishing, and, being entirely unprepared, seven were killed, and 29 taken, chiefly women and children.

PETER-EPHRAIM and ANDREW-PITYME were also two other considerably distinguished Nipmuk Indians. They rendered much service to the English in Philip's war. They went out in January, 1676, and brought in many of the Nipnets, who had endeavored to shelter themselves under Uncas. But, Mr. Hubbard observes, that Uncas, having "shabbed" them off, "they were, in the beginning of the winter, [1676,] brought in to Boston, many of them, by Peter-ephraim and Andrew-pityme." Ephraim commanded an Indian company, and had a commission from government. The news that many of the enemy were doing mischief about Rehoboth caused a party of English of Medfield to march out to their relief; Ephraim went with them, with his company, which consisted of 29. The snow being deep, the English soon grew discouraged, and returned, but Captain Ephraim continued the march, and came upon a body of them, encamped, in the night. Early the next morning, he successfully surrounded them, and offered them quar"Eight resolute fellows refused, who were presently shot;” the others yielded, and were brought in, being in number 42. Other minor exploits of this Indian captain are recorded.

ter.

THOMAS QUANAPOHIT, called also Rumney-marsh, was a brother of James, and was also a Christian Indian. In the beginning of hostilities against Philip, Major Gookin received orders to raise a company of praying Indians to be employed against him. This company was immediately raised, and consisted of 52 men, who were conducted to Mount Hope by Captain Isaac Johnson. Quanapohit was one of these. The officers under whom they served testified to their credit as faithful soldiers; yet many of the army, officers and men, tried all in their power to bring them into disrepute with the country. Such proceedings, we should naturally conclude, would tend much to dishearten those friendly Indians; but, on the contrary, they used every exertion to win the affections of their oppressors. Quanapohit, with the other two, received from government a reward for the scalps which they brought in. Though not exactly in order, yet it must be mentioned, that when Thomas was out, at or near Swansey, in the beginning of the war, he by accident had one of his hands shot off. He was one of the troopers, and carried a gun of remarkable length. The weather being excessively hot, his horse was very uneasy, being disturbed by flies, and struck the lock of the gun as the breech rested upon the ground, and caused it to go off, which horribly mangled the hand that held it; and, notwithstanding it was a long time in getting well, yet he rendered great service in the war afterward. The account of one signal exploit having been preserved, shall here be related. While Captain Henchman was in the enemy's country, he made an excursion from Hassanamesit to Packachoog, which lies about ten miles north-west from it. Meeting here with no enemy, he marched again for Hassanamesit; and having got a few miles on his way, discovered that he had lost a tin case, which contained his commission, and other instructions. He therefore despatched Thomas and two Englishmen in search of it. They made no discovery of the lost article until they came in sight of an old wigwam at Packachoog, where, to their no small surprise, they discovered some of the enemy in possession of it. They were but a few rods from them, and being so few in number, that to have given them battle would have been desperate in the extreme, as neither of them was armed for such an occasion stratagem, therefore, could only save them. The wigwam was situated upon an eminence; and some were standing in the door, when they approached, who discovered them as soon as they came in sight. One resented his gun, but, the weather being stormy, it did not go off. At this momea our chief, looking back, called, and made many gestures, as though he were dis posing of a large force to encompass them. At this manœuvre they all fled

* Roger Williams sets down sea as the definition of Wechecum.

being six in number, leaving our heroes to pursue their object. This their preservation was due to Quanapohit; and is the more to be admired, as they were in so far destitute of the means of defence. Captain Quanapohit had himself only a pistol, and one of his men a gun without a flint, and the other no gun at all.

It was about the time these events occurred, that Captain Tom, of whom we have spoken, his daughter, and two children, were taken by a scout sent out by Captain Henchman, about 10 miles south-east of Marlborough. They appear to have been taken on the 11 June, and on the 26 of the same month Captain Tom was executed.

2000

CHAPTER VII.

Of the Indians in New Hampshire and Maine previous to their wars with the whitesDominions of the bashaba-Perishes in war-PASSACONAWAY-His dominions— His last speech to his people-His life-His daughter marries Winnapurket-Petitions the court of Massachusetts-Lands allotted to him-English send a force to disarm him—Their fears of his enmity unfounded—they seize and illtreat his son— He escapes-Passaconaway delivers his arms, and makes peace with the EnglishTraditions concerning-Life of WANNALANCET-His situation in Philip's warMessengers and letters sent him by the English-Leaves his residence-His humanity -Fate of JOSIAH NOUEL-Wannalancet returns to his country-His lands seized in his absence-He again retires into the wilderness-Mosely destroys his village, &c.-Imprisoned for debt-Favors Christianity-A speech-WEHANOWNOWIT, sachen of New Hampshire-ROBIN HOOD-His sales of land in Maine-MONQUINE KANNEBIS-ASSIMINASQUA—ABBIGADASSET-Their residences and sales of lang Melancholy fate of CHOCORUA.

SOME knowledge of the Indians eastward of the Massachusetts was very early obtained by Captain John Smith, which, however, was very general; as that they were divided into several tribes, each of which had their own sachem, or, as these more northern Indians pronounced that word, sachemo, which the English understood sagamore; and yet all the sachemos acknowledged subjection to one still greater, which they called bashaba.

Of the dominions of the bashaba, writers differ much in respect to their extent. Some suppose that his authority did not extend this side the Pascataqua, but it is evident that it did, from Captain Smith's account. Wars and pestilence had greatly wasted the eastern Indians but a short time before the English settled in the country; and it was then difficult to determine the relation the tribes had stood in one to the other. As to the bashaba of Penobscot, tradition states that he was killed by the Tarratines, who lived still farther east, in a war which was at its height in 1615.

PASSACONAWAY seems to have been a bashaba. He lived upon the Merrimack River, at a place called Pennakook, and his dominions, at the period of the English settlements, were very extensive, even over the sachems living upon the Pascataqua and its branches. The Abenaques inhabited between the Pascataqua and Penobscot, and the residence of the chief sachem was upon Indian Island. Fluellen and Captain Sunday were early known as chiefs among the Abenaques, and Squando at a later period; but

Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians.

"The principal habitations I saw at northward, was Penobscot, who are in wars with the Terentines, their next northerly neighbors. Southerly up the rivers, and along the coast, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumaughcaw gen and Kenabeca. To those belong the countries and people of Segotago, Pauhunlanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To those are allied in confederacy, the countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeek, all the se, for any thing I could perceive, differ little in language or any thing; though most of them be sagames and lords of themselves, yet they hold the bashabes of Penobscot the chief and greates amongst them." 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 21, 22.

† Williamson's Hist. Maine, ii. 4.

of these we shall be more particular hereafter: the first sachem we should notice is Passaconaway. He "lived to a very great age; for," says the author of my manuscript, "I saw him alive at Pawtucket, when he was about a hundred and twenty years old."* Before his death, he delivered the following speech to his children and friends: "I am now going the way of all flesh, or ready to die, and not likely to see you ever meet together any more. I will now leave this word of counsel with you, that you may take heed how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do them much mischief, yet assuredly you will all be destroyed, and rooted off the earth if you do; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, at their first coming into these parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all ways and means possible, to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them settling down here, but I could no way effect it; therefore I advise you never to contend with the English, nor make war with them." And Mr. Hubbard adds, "it is to be noted, that this Passaconawa was the most noted powow and sorcerer of all the country."

A story of the marriage of a daughter of Passaconaway, in 1629, is thus related. Winnepurket, commonly called George, sachem of Saugus, made known to the chief of Pennakook, that he desired to marry his daughter, which, being agreeable to all parties, was soon consummated, at the residence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. According to the usages of the chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select number of his men to accompany the new-married couple to the dwelling of the husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed, for the entertainment of his friends, who could not be present at the consummation at the bride's father's, as well as for the escort; who, when this was ended, returned to Pennakook.

Some time after, the wife of Winnepurket, expressing a desire to visit her father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company conducted her. When she wished to return to her husband, her father, instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young sachem to come and take her away. He took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law this answer: "When she departed from me, I caused my men to escort her to your dwelling, as became a chief. She now having an intention to return to me, I did expect the same." The elder sachem was now in his turn angry, and returned an answer which only increased the difference; and it is believed that thus terminated the connection of the new husband and wife.†

This same year, [1662,] we find the general court acting upon a petition of Passaconaway, or, as his name is spelt in the records themselves, Papisseconeway. The petition we have not met with, but from the answer given to it, we learn its nature. The court say: "In answer to the petition of Papisseconeway, this court judgeth it meete to graunt to the said Papisseconeway and his men or associates about Naticot, above Mr. Brenton's lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merremack Riuer in breadth, three miles on either side in length: provided he nor they do not alienate any part of this grant without leave and license from this court, first obtained."

Governor Winthrop mentions this chief as early as 1632. One of his men, having gone with a white man into the country to trade, was killed by another Indian "dwelling near the Mohawks country, who fled away with his goods;" but it seems from the same account, that Passaconway pursued and took the murderer. In 1642, there was great alarm throughout the English settlements, from the belief that all the Indians in the country were about to make a general massacre of the whites. The government of Massachusetts took prompt measures "to strike a terror into the Indians." They therefore "sent men to Cutshamekin, at Braintree, to fetch him and his guns,

Gookin's Hist. of Praying Indians. This history was drawn up during the year 1677, and how long before this the author saw him, is unknown; but there can be no doubt but he was dead some years before Philip's war. Nevertheless, with Mr. Hubbard and our text before him, the author of Tales of the Indians has made Passaconaway appear in the person of Aspinquid, in 1682, at Agamentacus in Maine.

+ Deduced from facts in Morton's N. Canaan. Another version of Nahum-keag.