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come down to them and bring the other two that were with him, and they should be his soldiers, &c. Capt. Church then returned to Plymouth, leav ing the old squaws well provided for, and bisket for Tispaquin when he

returned."

This Church called laying a trap for Tuspaquin, and it turned out as he expected. We shall now see with what faith the English acted on this occasion. Church had assured him that, if he gave himself up, he should not be killed, but he was not at Plimouth when Tuspaquin came in, having gone to Boston on business for a few days; "but when he returned he found, to his grief, the heads of Annawon, Tispaquin, &c. cut off, which were the last of Philip's friends"!

It is true that those who were known to have been personally engaged in killing the English were, in the time of the greatest danger, cut off from pardon by a law; that time had now passed away, and, like many other laws of exigency, it should then have been considered a dead letter; leaving out of the case the faith and promise of their best servant, Church. View it, therefore, in any light, and nothing can be found to justify this flagrant inroad upon that promise. To give to the conduct of the Plimouth government a pretext for this murder, (a milder expression I cannot use,) Mr. Hubbard says, Tuspaquin having pretended that a bullet could not penetrate him, trial of his invulnerableness was resolved upon. So he was placed as a mark to shoot at, and "he fell down at the first shot"!

This was doubtless the end of numerous others, as we infer from the following passage in Dr. Mather's PREVALENCY OF PRAYER. He asks, "Where are the six Narraganset sachems, with all their captains and counsellors? Where are the Nipmuck sachems, with their captains and counsellors? Where is Philip and Squaw-sachem of Pocasset, with all their captains and counsellors? God do so to all the implacable enemies of Christ, and of his people in N. England"!! The next of Philip's captains, in our arrangement, is

TATOSÓN, also a great captain in the war of 1675. It seems rather uncertain whether he were a Narraganset or Wampanoag. He (or one bearing the same name) signed the treaty made with the Narragansets in the beginning of the war. It is quite certain that his residence afterwards was in Sandwich, since Rochester; and when he signed the treaty just named, it is probable he was only among the Narragansets upon a mission or visit. He was a son of the "noted Sam Barrow," but of his own family, or whether he had any, we are not informed.

We first meet with Tatoson, or, as his name is commonly printed, Totoson, in 1666, in the respectable company of Mr. Secretary Morton of Plimouth, and Acanootus, Wannoo, two "graue and sage Indians," and a number more, of whose characters we are not so well prepared to speak. Among this assemblage he is only conspicuous, however, as a witness to a deed of the lands upon Weequancett neck. Mr. Morton's name follows Tatoson's, on this instrument.

There was a general disarming of the Indians in 1671, as will elsewhere be mentioned. Among a great number ordered to appear at Plimouth the same year, to bind themselves more strongly in allegiance to the English, we find the name of Tatoson, or, as his name was then written, Tautozen. Also Toby, alias Nauhnocomwit, ‡ and Will, alias Washawanna.

On the 12th of June, 1676, several Indians, who had been sent in by Bradford and Church, were "convented before the councell" at Plimouth; being "such of them as were accused of working vnsufferable mischeiffe vpon some of ours." Among them was one named WATUKPOO, or, as lie

*On the right of the main road, as you pass from Matapoiset to Rochester village, and about two miles from the former, at a small distance from the road, is a kind of island in a miry swamp. Upon this, it is said, was Tatoson's camp. This island is connected by an isthmus to the main land.

So almost always in the MSS.

Sometimes called Toby Cole. The same, we conclude, who joined Philip afterwards and fell into the hands of Captain Church, as did his mother, and many more at the same time

was often called, Tukpoo.* Against him, several charges were brought, such as his going off to the enemy, and trying to deceive the governor about the prospect of war; telling him that Philip's men had deserted him, and that he had only a few old men and boys remaining. At this time were present three other Indians, whose names were Woodcock, Quanapawhan and Johnnum. The two first were accused by a squaw of destroying Clark's garrison at Eel River in Plimouth, and murdering the inhabitants. This had been done on the 12 March previous, and with such secrecy and effect, that the English knew not whom to accuse of it. Many supposed that Waluspaquin conducted the affair, and Mr. Hubbard charges it upon him without hesita tion, but it is now quite certain that he had nothing to do with it, as in the sequel we shall show.

The two just mentioned, finding themselves detected, accused their fellow prisoner, John-num. It appears that Num not only owned himself guilty of this charge, but acknowledged, also, that he was concerned in the murder of “Jacob Mitchel and his wife, and John Pope, † and soe centance of death was pronounced against them, which accordingly emediately was executed."

Before these were executed, they implicated a fourth, whose name was KEWEENAM. Although Tatoson commanded the company that put to death the people at Clark's garrison, yet Keweenam set the expedition on foot. He lived at Sandwich, and was probably one of Tatoson's men. However, ou Saturday, the 11 March, he was at Mr. William Clark's, and observed how every part of the garrison was conditioned. He then went to his chief, Tatoson, and told him that it could be easily taken, as it was but slightly fortified; and that the next day, being Sunday, would be the proper time to execute their plan, as the residents would mostly be gone to meeting; "and in case they left a man at home, or so, they might soon dispatch him."

This intelligence was pleasing to Tatoson, and he found himself at the head of ten warriors the same day. Their names were as follows: Woonashenah, Musquash, Wapanpowett, Tom, "the son of Tatoson's brother," Uttsooweest, and Tom Piant; which, with the three before named, made up the whole company. Commencing their march before night, they arrived in the borders of Plimouth, where they lay concealed until the people had gone to public worship. About 10 o'clock in the morning, they came upon the garrison, which fell easily into their hands. After killing all they inet with, they took what plunder they could carry, and burned the buildings; then again dispersed into the woods.

There were some of two other families in this garrison, mostly women and children. Three only were of Mr. Clark's family, but there were eight others belonging to the other two. Mrs. Elizabeth Clark, one of the heads of the family, was among the slain. §

This Indian, whom we shall have occasion several times to mention, was not one of those sent in by Bradford, as appears from Mather, (Brief Hist. 40.) but they "informed that a bloudy Indian called Tuckpoo, (who the last summer murdered a man of Boston, at Namas. ket,) with about 20 Indians more, was at a place within 16 miles of Plimouth." Eight English and fourteen Indians succeeded in taking them all, and Tuckpoo was immediately executed.

The murder of these people is supposed to be referred to by Mr. Hubbard in his "Table." The passage follows: "In June, 1676, [1675 ?] a man and a woman were slain by the Indians; another woman was wounded and taken; but because she had kept an Indian child before, so much kindness was showed her, as that she was sent back, after they had dressed her wound; the Indians guarded her till she came within sight of the English." Mr. Mitchel informs us that the name of the wounded woman was Dorothy Haywood See 2 Coll. Muss. Hist. Soc. vii. 159.

66

"Who was the daughter of a godly father and mother, that came to N. England on the account of religion." They also killed her sucking child, and knocked another child (who was about eight years old) in the head, supposing they had killed him, but afterwards he came to himself." I. Mather, Brief Hist. 24.

We relate all that is to be found in the MS. records, but the author of the Present State, &c. furnishes the following valuable facts: "About this time, [his last date mentioned being 14 March,] one Mr. Clarke's wife, children, and all his family, at his farm-house, two mi es from Plimouth, were surprised and killed, except one boy, who was knockt down, and left for dead, but afterwards taken up and revived. The house they plundered of provision and goods to a great value; eight complete arms, 301. [lb.] of powder, with an answerable quas

Keweenam was beheaded, but how the other three were disposed of, we are not informed it is very probable that the whole number suffered in due time. At the trial of Keweenam and the other three, some of them pleaded that the governor's proclamation was now their protection; from which it would seem that they had surrendered themselves. But there was none to plead their case, except their accusers, and they explained things in their own way. The court said, "Forasmuch as the council had before this engaged to several Indians desirous to come in and tender themselves to mercy, that they should find favor in so doing: it was fully made known to such Indians as were then present, that the said engagement was to be understood with exception against such as by murder as above said had so acted, and not against such as killed his enemie in the field in a souldierlike way." This kind of argument would answer among duelists, but when did the Indians agree to fight the English according to their rules of war? The former might with equal propriety demand that the English should conform to their manner, and not depend on their numbers, forts, and superior weapons.

Although the murder at Clark's garrison was one of those horrible acts in Indian warfare, which would justify the most rigid retaliation, still, as the English began the war, they had no right to expect but that it would be prosecuted by the Indians in all the ways at their command. On this ground the philanthropist will ever condemn the severity of the English.

When Captain Church came upon Philip and a great number of his people, the 3d of August, 1676, "Tispaquin, Totoson, &c." prevented the entire destruction of some of them, by combating the English while their chief and others extricated themselves from a small swamp into which they had fled. "In this swamp skirmish Capt. Church with his two men which always ran by his side as his guard, met with three of the enemy, two of which surrendered themselves, and the captain's guard seized them; but the other, being a great stout surly fellow, with his two locks ty'd up with red, and a great rattlesnake's skin hanging to the back part of his head, (whom Capt. Church concluded to be Totoson,) ran from them into the swamp. Capt. Church in person pursued him close, till, coming pretty near up with him, presented his gun between his shoulders, but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned and presented at Capt. Church, and missing fire also, (their guns taking wet with the fog and dew of the morning,) but the Indian turning short for another run, his foot trip'd in a small grapevine, and he fell flat on his face. Capt. Church was by this time up with him and struck the muzzle of his gun an inch and an half into the back part of his head, which dispatched him without another blow. But Capt. Church looking behind him saw Totoson, the Indian whom he tho't he had killed, come flying at him like a dragon; but this happened to be fair in sight of the guard that were set to keep the prisoners, who spying Totoson and others that were following him, in the very seasonable juncture made a shot upon them, and rescued their captain, though he was in no small danger from his friends' bullets, for some came so near him that he thought he felt the wind of them." The celebrated Church, in the skirmishes he had in these two days, August 1 and 2, took and killed 173 Indians.

Little more than a month after the fall of Philip, Church surprised Tatosons whole company, about 50 persons. He was the last that was left of the family of Barrow; and, says Church, "the wretch reflecting upon the miserable condition he had brought himself into, his heart became a stone within him, and he died. The old squaw (that Church had employed to persuade him to submit] flung a few leaves and brush over him-came into Sandwich, and gave this account of his death; and offered to show them where she left his body, but never had an opportunity, for she immediately fell sick and died also."

The fate of the father of Tatoson does not so much excrte sympathy, as

tity of lead for bullets, and 150l. in ready money; the said Mr. Clark himself narrowiy escaping their cruelty, by being at that instant at a meeting."

Hist. Philip's War, 41.

does that of the son, but is one of those cases more calculated to arouse the fiercer passions. The old chief fell into the hands of Captain Church, in one of his successful expeditions in the vicinity of Cape Cod. Church says, in his history, that he was "as noted a rogue as any among the enemy." Captain Church told him that the government would not permit him to grant him quarter," because of his inhuman murders and barbarities," and there fore ordered him to prepare for execution. "Barrow replied, that the sen tence of death against him was just, and that indeed he was ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more favor, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco before his execution. When he had taken a few whiffs, he said, 'I am ready;' upon which one of Captain Church's Indians sunk his hatchet into his brains."

TIASHQ* or TYASKS†"was the next man to Philip," says Church; there were others also said to be "next to him," and it may be all reconciled by supposing these chiefs as having the chief command over particular tribes. Mr. Hubbard says only this of the famous Tiashq: "In June last, [1676,] one Trashq, a great captain of Philip's, his wife and child, or children, being taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrendered himself." Dr. I. Mather, writing under date of 22 July, 1676, says it was "this week" that Captain Church and his Indian soldiers fell upon Trashq and his company. It appears therefore that Mr. Hubbard is in error, as the account given by Church corroborates that of Mather, who speaks thus of his operations: "It having been his manner when he taketh any Indians by a promise of favor to them, in case they acquit themselves well, to set them an hunting after more of these wolves, whereby the worst of them sometimes do singular good service in finding out the rest of their bloody fellows. In one of these skirmishes, Tiashq, Philip's chief captain, ran away leaving his gun behind him, and his squaw, who was taken."§ These Indian soldiers, who performed this exploit, were forced upon it by Church. They had been seeking Indians about Aponaganset River, and discovered that a large company of them had just been gathering the apples at a deserted settlement on the east side of it. The English and Indians immediately pursued in their track. "Traveling three miles or more, they came into the country road, where the track parted: one parcel steered towards the west end of the great cedar swamp, and the other to the east end. The captain halted and told his Indian souldiers that they had heard as well as he what some men had said at Plymouth about them,¶ &c., that now was a good opportunity for each party to prove themselves. The track being divided, they should follow one, and the English the other, being equal in number. The Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to move any where without him. said they should not think themselves safe without him. But the captain insisting upon it, they submitted. He gave the Indians their choice to follow which track they pleased. They replied, They were light and able to travel, therefore if he pleased they would take the west track. And appointing the ruins of John Cook's house at Cushnet** for the place to meet at, each company set out briskly to try their fortunes." When the parties met, "they very remarkably found that the number that each company had taken and slain was equal. The Indians had killed three of the enemy, and taken 63 prisoners, as the English had done before them." # Both parties were much rejoiced at their successes, but the Indians, told Captain Church" that they had missed a brave opportunity by parting. They came upon a great town of the enemy, viz: Captain Tyasks' company. (Tyasks was the next man to

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Brief Hist. 42.

+ Church.

Narrative, 106. || Church, 33.

The detestation in which the Indians were held by "some men," in many other places a well as in Plimouth, will often appear In this work. Such people could know nothing of human nature, and many would not have believed the Indians capable of good actions, thoug one from the dead had assured them they were.

** Abbreviated from Acushnet. See Douglass, Summary, i. 403, who writes it Accushnot Thus many Indian names are changed. Instead of Aponaganset, we hear Ponaganset, and for Asonet, Sonet, &c. Cushnet is the river on which New Bedford and Fairhaven stand. tt Church, 34. #Ibid. 36

Philip.) They fired upon the enemy before they were discovered, and ran upon them with a shout. The nien ran and left their wives and children and many of them their guns. They took Tyasks' wife and son, and thought that if their captain and the English company had been with them they might have taken some hundreds of them, and now they determined not to part any more.” * This transaction, in the opinion of Captain Church, was a "remarkable providence," inasmuch, perhaps, as the equality of their successes prevented either party from boasting, or claiming superiority over the other. Nevertheless, Church adds,-" But the Indians had the fortune to take more arms than the English." It would add not a little, perhaps, to the gratification of the reader, could he know the name of the Indian captain in this far-famed exploit, or even that of one of his men; but at present they are hid alike from us and from him.

000

CHAPTER IV.

Chief women conspicuous in Philip's war-MAGNUS-Her country and relation Her capture and death-AWASHONKS-Is greatly annoyed in the events of 1671— Her men disarmed-Philip's endeavors to engage her against the English-Church prevents her-Is finally in the power of Philip-Reclaimed by Church-Some particulars of her family.

ALTHOUGH, before we had finished the life of Weetamoo, we deemed it proper to have deferred it to this chapter, but as we had been led rather imperceptibly into many particulars concerning her in that place, we could not break off our narrative without a greater impropriety than an omission here would have been, and shall therefore begin here with one of her contemporaries, the bare facts in whose life are sufficient to maintain a tigh interest, we believe, in the mind of every reader.

MAGNUS was squaw-sachem of some part of the extensive country of the Narragansets, and was known by several names at different and the same times; as Old Queen, Sunk Squaw, Quaiapen, and Matantuck. She married Mriksah, or Mexam, a son of Canonicus, and was sister to Ninigret. She had two sons, Scuttup and Quequaquenuct otherwise Quequegunent, called by the English Gideon, and a daughter named Quinemiquet. These two died young. Gideon was alive as late as 1661; Scuttup, and a sister also, in 1664. She was, in 1675, one "of the six present sachems of the whole Narraganset country."

In the beginning of Philip's war, the English army, to cause the Narragansets to fight for them, whom they had always abused and treated with contempt, since before the cutting off of Miantunnomoh's head, marched into their country, but could not meet with a single sachem of the nation. They fell in with a few of their people, who could not well secrete themselves, and who concluded a long treaty of mere verbosity, the import of which they could know but little, and doubtless cared less; for when the army left their country, they joined again in the war.

We hear no more of her until the next year, when herself and a large company of her men were discovered by Major Talcot, on the 2 July, in Narraganset. The English scouts discovered them from a hill, having pitched their tents in a valley in the vicinity of a swamp, as was usually their custom. About 300 of the English, mounted upon fleet horses, divided into two squadrons, and fell upon them before they were aware of their approach, and made a great slaughter of them. The Mohegans and Pequots came upon them in the centre, while the horsemen beset them on each side and

* Church, 36.

+ Book iii. chap. 1.

Trumbull, i. 347. from Hubbard, I suppose, i. 51. Female chiefs were called saunks by the Indians, which signified wife of the sachem; but writers, being ignorant of that fact thought it a proper name of a particular person, and hence the appellations of Snuke, Sunke Snake, &c. applied to Magnus.

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