This daughter of Sassamon was called by the English name Betty, but her original name was ASSOWETOUGH. To his son-in-law, Sassamon gave his land, by a kind of will, which he wrote himself, not long before his death; probably about the time he became tired of his new situation, which we suppose was also about the time that he discovered the design of Philip and his captains to bring about their war of extermination.

Old Tuspaquin, as he called himself, and his son not only confirmed Sassamon's will, but about the same time made a bequest themselves to his daughter, which, they say, was "with the consent of all the chieffe men of Assowamɛett." This deed of gift from them was dated 23 Dec. 1673. It was of a neck of land at Assowamsett, called Nahteawamet. The names of some of the places which bounded this tract were Mashquomoh, a swamp, Sasonkususett, a pond, and another large pond called Chupipoggut. Tobias, Old Thomas, Fohonoho, and Kankunuki, were upon this deed as witnesses.

FELIX Served the English in Philip's war, and was living in 1679, in which year Governor Winslow ordered, “that all such lands as were formerly John Sassamon's in our colonie, shall be settled on Felix his son-in-law," and to remain his and his heirs "foreuer." Felix's wife survived him, and willed her land to a daughter, named Mercy. This was in 1696, and Isacke Wanno witnessed said will. There was at a later period an Indian preacher at Titicutt named Thomas Felix, perhaps a son of the former. But to return to the more immediate subject of our discourse.

There was a Sussaman, or, as my manuscript has it, Sosomon, known to the English as early as 1637; but as we have no means of knowing how old John Sassamon was when he was murdered, it cannot be decided with probability, whether or not it were he. This Sosomon, as will be seen in the life of Sassacus, went with the English to fight the Pequots.

Sassamon acted as interpreter, witness or scribe, as the case required, on many occasions. When Philip and Wootonekanuske his wife, sold, in 1664, Mattapoisett to William Brenton, Sassamon was a witness and interpreter. The same year he was Philip's agent "in settling the bounds of Acushenok, Coaksett, and places adjacent." Again, in 1665, he witnessed the receipt of £10 paid to Philip on account of settling the bounds the year before.

There was a Rowland Sassamon, who I suppose was the brother of John. His name appears but once in all the manuscript records I have met with, and then only as a witness, with his brother, to Philip's deed of Mattapoisett, above mentioned.

The name Sassamon, like most Indian names, is variously spelt, but the way it here appears is nearest as it was understood in his last years, judging from the records. But it was not so originally. Woosansaman was among the first modes of writing it.

This detail may appear dry to the general reader, but we must occasionally gratify our antiquarian friends. We now proceed in our narrative.

While living among the Namaskets, Sassamon learned what was going forward among his countrymen, and, when he was convinced that their design was war, went immediately to Plimouth, and communicated his discovery to the governor. "Nevertheless, his information," says Dr. I. Mather,§ "(because it had an Indian original, and one can hardly believe them when they do speak the truth,) was not at first much regarded."

It may be noticed here, that at this time if any Indian appeared friendly all Indians were so declaimed against, that scarcely any one among the English could be found that would allow that an Indian could be faithful or honest in any affair. And although some others besides Sassamon had inti mated, and that rather strongly, that a "rising of the Indians" was at hand, still, as Dr. Mather observes, because Indians said so, little or no attention

The English sometimes added her surname, and hence, in the account of Mr. Bennet, (1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 1.) Betty Sasemore. The noted place now cd Betty's Neck, in Middleborough, was named from her. In 1793, there were eight famili Indians there. hone' are spell

+ Cotuhticut, Ketchiquut, Tehticut, Keketticut, Keticut, Teightaquid, I ings of this name in the various books and records I have consulted." Backus's Middleborough, in 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 150. Relation of the Troubles, &c., 74

was paid to their advice. Notwithstanding, Mr. Gookin, in his MS. history," says, that, previous to the war, none of the Christian Indians had "been justly charged, either with unfaithfulness or treachery towards the English." "But, on the contrary, some of them had discovered the treachery, particu larly Walcut the ruler, of Philip before he began any act of hostility." In another place the same author says, that, in April, 1675, Wauban "came to one of the magistrates on purpose, and informed him that he had ground to fear that sachem Philip, and other Indians his confederates, intended some mischief shortly." Again in May, about six weeks before the war, he came and said the same, adding that Philip's men were only waiting for the trees to get leaved out, that they might prosecute their design with more effect. To return to Sassamon:

In the mean time, some circumstances happened that gave further grounds of suspicion, that war was meditated, and it was intended that messengers should be sent to Philip, to gain, if possible, the real state of the case. But before this was effected, much of the winter of 1674 had passed away, and the Rev. Sassamon still resided with the Namaskets, and others of his countrymen in that neighborhood. And notwithstanding he had enjoined the strictest secrecy upon his English friends at Plimouth, of what he had revealed, assuring them that if it came to Philip's knowledge, he should be immediately murdered by him, yet it by some means got to the chief's knowledge, and Sassamon was considered a traitor and an outlaw; and, by the laws of the Indians, he had forfeited his life, and was doomed to suffer death. The manner of effecting it was of no consequence with them, so long as it was brought about, and it is probable that Philip had ordered any of his subjects who might meet with him, to kill him.

Early in the spring of 1675, Sassamon was missing, and, on search being made, his body was found in Assawomset Pond, in Middleborough. Those that killed him not caring to be known to the English, left his hat and gun upon the ice, that it might be supposed that he had drowned himself; but from several marks upon his body, and the fact that his neck was broken, it was evident he had been murdered. Several persons were suspected, and, upon the information of one called Patuckson, Tobias § one of Philip's counsellors, his son, and Mattashinnamy, were apprehended, tried by a jury, consisting of half Indians, and in June, 1675, were all executed at Plimouth; "one of them before his execution confessing the murder," but the other two denied all knowledge of the act, to their last breath. The truth of their guilt may reasonably be called in question, if the circumstance of the bleeding of the dead body at the approach of the murderer, had any influence upon the jury. And we are fearful it was the case, for, if the most learned were misled by such hallucinations in those days, we are not to suppose that the more ignorant were free from them. Dr. Increase Mather wrote within two years of the affair, and he has this passage: "When Tobias (the suspected murderer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had been newly slain; albeit, it was buried a considerable time before that."¶

Nothing of this part of the story is upon record among the manuscripts, as we can find, but still we do not question the authenticity of Dr. Mather, who, we believe, is the first that printed an account of it. Nor do the records of Plimouth notice Sassamon until some time after his death. The first record is in these words: "The court seeing cause to require the per

*Not yet published, but is now, (April, 1836,) printing with notes by the author of this work, under the direction of the American Antiquarian Society. It will form a lasting monument of one of the best men of those days. The author was, as Mr. Eliot expresses himself, "a pillar in our Indian work." He died in 1687, aged 75.

Some would like to know, perhaps, on what authority Mr. Grahame (Hist. N. Amer. i 402.) states that Sassamon's body was found in a field.

Gookin's MS. Hist. of Christian Indians. This author says, "Sassamand was the first Christian martyr," and that "it is evident he suffered death upon the account of his Christian profession, and fidelity to the English."

His Indian name was Poggapanossoo.

Mather's Relation, 74. Judge Davis retains the same account, (Morton's Memorial 289.) which we shall presently show to be erroneous.

Mather's Relation 75

sonal appearance of an Indian called Tobias before the court, to make further answer to such interrogatories as shall be required of him, in reference to the sudden and violent death of an Indian called John Sassamon, late deceased." This was in March, 1674, O. S.

It appears that Tobias was present, although it is not so stated, from the fact that Tuspaquin and his son William entered into bonds of £100 for the appearance of Tobias at the next court in June following. A mortgage of land was taken as security for the £100.

June having arrived, three instead of one are arraigned as the murderers of Sassamon. There was no intimation of any one but Tobias being guilty at the previous court. Now, Wampapaquan, the son of Tobias, and Mattashunannamo * are arraigned with him, and the bill of indictment runs as follows: "For that being accused that they did with joynt consent vpon the 29 of January ann° 1674, [or 1675, N. S.] att a place called Assowamsett Pord, wilfully and of sett purpose, and of mallice fore thought, and by force and armes, murder John Sassamon, an other Indian, by laying violent hands on him, and striking him, or twisting his necke vntill hee was dead; and to hyde and conceale this theire said murder, att the tyme and place aforesaid, did cast his dead body through a hole of the iyce into the said pond.”

66

To this they pleaded not guilty," and put themselves on trial, say the records. The jury, however, were not long in finding them guilty, which they express in these words: "Wee of the jury one and all, both English and Indians doe joyntly and with one consent agree upon a verdict.”

Upon this they were immediately remanded to prison," and from thence [taken] to the place of execution and there to be hanged by the head † vntill theire bodies are dead." Accordingly, Tobias and Mattashunannamo were executed on the 8 June, 1675. "But the said Wampapaquan, on some considerations was reprieued until a month be expired." He was, however, shot within the month.

It is an error that the jury that found them guilty was composed of half Indians; there were bat four, while there were twelve Englishmen. We will again hear the record :--

"Itt was judged very expedient by the court, that, together with this English jury aboue named, some of the most indifferentest, grauest and sage Indians should be admitted to be with the said jury, and to healp to consult and aduice with, of, and concerning the premises: there names are as followeth, viz. one called by an English name Hope, and Maskippague, Wannoo, George Wampye and Acanootus; these fully concurred with the jury in theire verdict."

The names of the jurymen were William Sabine, William Crocker, Edward Sturgis, William Brookes, Nath. Winslow, John Wadsworth, Andrew Ringe, Robert Vixon, John Done, Jona. Bangs, Jon". Shaw and Benj^. Higgins.

That nothing which can throw light upon this important affair be passed over, we will here add, from a hitherto exceeding scarce tract, the following particulars, although some parts of them are evidently erroneous: "About five or six years since, there was brought up, amongst others, at the college at Cambridge, (Mass.) an Indian, named Sosomon; who, after some time he had spent in preaching the gospel to Uncas, a sagamore Christian in his territories, was, by the authority of New Plimouth, sent to preach in like manner to King Philip, and his Indians. But King Philip, (heathen-like,) instead of receiving the gospel, would immediately have killed this Sosomon, but by the persuasion of some about him, did not do it, but sent him by the hands of three men to prison; who, as he was going to prison, exhorted and taught them in the Christian religion. They, not liking his discourse, immediately murthered him after a most barbarous manner. They, returning to King Philip, acquainted him with what they had done. About two or three months after this murther, being discovered to the authority of

*The same called Mattashinnamy. His natun the records is spelt four ways. This old phraseology reminds us of the Fren n mode of expression, couper Je cou, to cut off the neck instead of the head; but the French say, il sera pendu par son cou, and so do modern hangmen, alias jurists, of our times.

that is,

New Plimouth, Josiah Winslow being then governor of that colony, care was taken to find out the murtherers, who, upon search, were found and apprehended, and, after a fair trial, were all hanged. This so exasperated King Philip, that, from that day after, he studied to be revenged on the Englishjudging that the English authority had nothing to do to hang an Indian for killing another." *

10000

CHAPTER II.

Life of KING PHILIP-His real name-The name of his wife-Makes frequent sales of his lands-Account of them-His first treaty at Plimouth-Expedition to Nantucket-Events of 1671-Begins the WAR of 1675-First acts of hostilitySwamp Fight at Pocasset-Narrowly escapes out of his own country is pursued by Oneko-Fight at Rehoboth Plain-Cuts off a company of English under Captain Beers-Incidents-Fight at Sugar-loaf Hill, and distruction of Captain Lathrop's company-Fights the English under Mosely-English raise 1500 men-Philip retires to Narraganset—Strongly fortifies himself in a great swamp—Description of his fortress-English march to attack him-The great Fight at Narraganset—Again flies his country-Visits the Mohawks-Ni-devised strabizim – 1v. ds of 1676 -Returns again to his country-Reduced to a wretched condition -- but Church -His chief counsellor, Akkompoin, killed, and his sister captured - 178 f nd son full into the hands of Church-Flies to Pokanoket-Is surpria? od 5'du-Gimen of the Wampanoag Language--Other curious maiter.

>

In regard to the native or Indian name of PHILIP, it secins a mistake has always prevailed, in printed accounts. POMETACOM gives as near its Indian sound as can be approached by our letters. The first syllable was dropped in familiar discourse, and hence, in a short time, no one imagined but what it had always been so; in nearly every original deed executed by him, which we have seen, and they are many, his name so appears. It is true that, in those of different years, it is spelt with some little variation, all which, however, conveyed very nearly the same sound. The variations are Pumatacom, Pamatacom, Pometacome, and Pometacom; the last of which prevails in the records.

We have another important discovery to communicate:† it is no other than the name of the wife of Pometacom-the innocent WooTONEKANUSKE! This was the name of her who, with her little son, fell into the hands of Captain Church. No wonder that Philip was "now ready to die," as some of his traitorous men told Church, and that "his heart was now ready to break!" All that was dear to him was now swallowed up in the vortex! But they still lived, and this most harrowed his soul-lived for what? to serve as slaves in an unknown land! could it be otherwise than that madness should seize upon him, and despair torment him in every place? that in his sleep he should hear the anguishing cries and lamentations of Wootonekanuske and his son? But we must change the scene.

It seems as though, for many years before the war of 1675, Pometacom, and nearly all of his people sold off their lands as fast as purchasers presented themselves. They saw the prosperity of the English, and they were just such philosophers as are easily captivated by any show of ostentation. They were forsaking their manner of life, to which the proximity of the whites was a deadly poison, and were eager to obtain such things as their neighbors possessed; these were only to be obtained by parting with their lands. That the reader may form some idea of the rapidity with which the Indians' lands in Plimouth colony were disposed of, we add the following items:

Present State of New England, by a merchant of Boston, in respect to the present Bloody Indian Wars, page 3, folio, London, 1676. This, with four other tracts upon PHILIP'S WAR, (covering the whole period of it, with notes by myself, accompanied by a CHRONOLOGY of all Indian events in America from its discovery to the present time, (March 7th, 1836,) has just been published under the title of the OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE.

The author feels a peculiar satisfaction that it has fallen to his lot to be the first to pub ish the real name of the great sachem of the Wampanoags, and also that of the shar.r of his perils, Wootonekanuske

In a deed dated 23 June, 1664," William Brenton, of Newport, R. I. merchant," "for a valuable consideration " paid by him, buys Matapoisett of Philip This deed begins, "I, Pumatacom alas Philip, chief sachem of Mount Hope, Cowsumpsit and of all territories thereunto belonging." Philip and his wife both signed this deed, and Tockomock, Wecopauhim, Nesetaquason, Pompa quase, Aperniniate, Taquanksicke, Paquonack, Watapatahue, Aquetaquish, John Sassamon the interpreter, Rowland Sassamon, and two Englishmen, signed as

witnesses.

In 1665, he sold the country about Acushena, [now New Bedford,] and Coaxet, [now in Compton.] Philip's father having previously sold some of the same, £10 was now given him to prevent any claim from him, and to pay for his marking out the same. John Woosansman [one of the names of Sassa mon] witnessed this deed.

The same year the court of Plimouth presented Philip with a horse, but on what account we are not informed.

In 1662, Wrentham was purchased of Philip by the English of Dedham. It was then called Wollomonopoag, and, by the amount assessed, appears to have cost £24 10s., and was six miles square. For this tract of land the English had been endeavoring to negotiate five years. "In Nov. 1669, upon notice of Philip, Sagamore of Mount Hope, now at Wollomonopoag, offering a treaty of his lands thereabouts, not yet purchased," the selectmen appoint five persons to negotiate with him "for his remaining right, provided he can show that he has any."‡ Whether his right were questionable or not, it seems a purchase was made, at that time, of the tract called Woollommonuppogue," within the town bounds [of Dedham] not yet purchased." What the full consideration was, our documents do not state, but from a manuscript order which he drew on Dedham afterwards, and the accompanying receipt, some estimate may be formed. The order requests them "to pay to this bearer, for the use of KING PHILIP, £5, 5s. in money, and £5 in trucking cloth at money price." In a receipt signed by an agent of Philip, named Peter, the following amount is named: "In reference to the payment of KING PHILIP of Mount Hope, the full and just sum of £5, 5s. in money, and 12 yards of trucking cloth, 3 lbs. of powder, and as much lead as will make it up; which is in full satisfaction with £10 that he is to receive of Nathaniel Paine."§

We next meet with a singular record of Philip, the authorship of which we attribute to John Sassamon, and which, besides extending our knowledge of Philip into his earlier times, serves to make us acquainted with Sassamon's acquirements in the language of the pilgrims.

"Know all men by these presents, that Philip haue giuen power vnto Watuchpoo and Sampson and theire brethren to hold and make sale of to whom they will by my consent, and they shall not haue itt without they be willing to lett it goe it shal be sol by my consent, but without my knowledge they cannot safely to: but with my consent there is none that can lay claime to that land which they haue marked out, it is theires foreuer, soe therefore none can safely purchase any otherwise but by Watachpoo and Sampson and their bretheren. PHILIP 1666."

Whether the following letter were written earlier or later than this we have no means of knowing; it is plain, however, from its contents, that it was written at a time when he was strongly opposed to selling his lands, and that the people of Plimouth were endeavoring to get him to their court, where they had reason to believe they could succeed better in getting them than by a negotiation in his own country. The letter follows:

"To the much honored Governer, Mr. Thomas Prince, dwelling at Plimouth. King PHILIP desire to let you understand that he could not come to the court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not travil

Perhaps Uncompoin.

+ Worthington's Hist. Dedham, 20-from which work it would seem that the negotiation had been carried on with Philip, but Philip was not sachem until this year.

Ibid.

General Court Files.

Sometimes Tukpoo by abbreviation. A further account of him will be found in the life of Tatoson.