existing institutions, orders, and classes, to readers of a taste above relishing the coarse

ness of Paine, or the feebleness and ignorance of itinerant lecturers. There were others to devise systems of philosophy, to please those that dabbled in what they supposed metaphysics. These set themselves about overthrowing the doctrines of religion and a future state; free agency, natural affection, friendship, and patriotism; that thus philanthropy might not operate in the cases in which it was most likely to produce happiness, as a moral improvement: they proposed the dissolution of all government, the annihilation of property, and the levelling of ranks and distinctions,-as a political improvement. To excite, foment, or increase discontent among the uninformed, there were Paine and coadjutors; for persons of more taste and knowledge, but with confined views of mankind, there were Holcroft's novels; for those that had a glimmering of metaphysics, and who, engaging in what they did not understand, forgot what they did, there was Godwin. Paine,

Holcroft, and Godwin had established three great banks of anarchy and infidelity (there might be much greater capitalists that did not avow themselves) whose notes inferior dealers took, and circulated for current cash.

Inflamed by teachers and ministers of sedition, many of the populace conceived themselves to be totally deprived of their rights, and that nothing would restore them but a national convention. A plan of this sort having been tried in Edinburgh, and a meeting having taken place, under that name, in which also the subordinate phraseology of the French was adopted, to shew the model of imitation; the meeting having been dispersed by the activity of the chief magistrate, and the leaders punished, an assembly of the same kind was preparing to be held in England. While the societies,

A national convention of delegates having, by our constitution, no authority to alter the government; but, according to Paine's Rights of Man, necessary to regenerate the government of B.itain.

their committees, and sections, by their pro. ceedings, severally and jointly, shewed. the object to be a change, not indeed exactly defined, but obviously not consistent with the existing constitution of this country, and by means not warranted by its laws. These plans verified the predictions of Burke respecting the effect of wild theories in this country, as the whole system of the French operations, in principle and detail, in every transfer of power, had verified his predictions concerning their effect in France. On the bill for detaining suspected persons, which Ministers found,necessary, in order to detect and overthrow the designs of democratic malecontents, Mr. Burke took a very ac- tive part; and displayed at once his eloquence and his wisdom. The issue of the trials that followed the inquiry concerning the proceedings of the societies, does not, in the least, affect the predictions of Burke. All that the acquittal-proved, was, that the jury did not receive the legal definition of treason in the same sense in which the Attorney-General used it as the ground of the

indictment; or the grand jury as the ground for finding a bill. There might be devised by the fertile invention of wickedness many modes of conduct of equal moral culpability and political hurt with those that are punishable capitally. Every impartial man will see grounds for inference in cases where there are not grounds for verdicts.

Burke had resolved to retire from Parliament when the trial of Hastings should be finished. This summer a sentence was passed, and Burke soon after resigned his

seat.

During the important period of Burke's parliamentary life, the eloquence of the senate had received very considerable improvement. Able men took a wider range of knowledge; investigated more profoundly; and thus their discussions, besides their immediate applicability to the questions at issue, contained a much greater quantity of general truth. Although this effect may be in some degree owing to the

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progression of philosophy, yet it has been considerably accelerated by individual genius. In Fox's orations we have, found, from the commencement of. his intimacy with Burke, a more rapid advancement in political philosophy than even his own great mind would probably so soon have produced. All those who admire the force of his eloquence, (and who, that possesses taste, and, what is of more consequence, comprehension of understanding, that does not?) if they have attentively considered its progression, will acknowledge that Burke's conversation, speeches, and writings have tended to enhance its value. Mr. Grey, Lord Lauderdale, Duke of Bedford, Messrs. Courtenay, Erskine, Sheridan, and other distinguishing observers, who look up to Fox as the highest where they themselves are high, will admit that great additions have been made to the attainments of their friend by Edmund Burke. Great minds only can derive great accessions of intellectual riches from intellectual treasures. There is a gentleman of the first talents, cultivated