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HISTORY OF THE WAR

imputation of beholding it with indifference, they amply redeemed themselves. Murat, upon receiving it, pronounced a flattering eulogium on the Spanish nation, that nation which he was in the act of plundering, and which he came to betray and to enslave.

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Notwithstanding the patroles and rounds, and military government, the suspicions of the people began to manifest themselves more and more, and their poor prince was compelled, while he concealed his own fears, to exert his authority for suppressing theirs. By a new edict, (April 3rd,) it was enacted, that no liquors should be sold after eight in the evening, master-manufacturers and tradesmen were ordered to give notice to the police if any of their workmen or apprentices absented themselves from their work, fathers of families were enjoined to keep their children and families from mixing with seditious assemblies, and to restrain them by good example, good advice, and the fear of punishment. It was declared, at the same time, that the guilty would be most severely punished, without remission and without delay.

On the introduction of Savary, the French ambassador, to the closet of Ferdinand, he assured the unfortunate prince that the emperor was already near Bayonne, on his way to Madrid, and that it would be highly flattering to his imperial majesty, if the king would meet him on the road. Ferdinand, incapable of suspecting that the envoy was sent merely to deceive him, yielded to his solicitations; and, having issued a proclamation, in which he announced his departure to meet his "friend and mighty ally the emperor of France," and appointed the infante Don Antonio president of the high council of government, he began on the 11th of April, his unhappy journey. Savary affected the most zealous and assiduous attention, solicited the honor of accompanying him, and asserted that the emperor would certainly be found at Burgos on their arrival. When they reached Burgos, Buonaparte was not there, and Ferdinand hesitated whether to advance or return, but, again deceived by the flatteries of Savary, and afraid to refuse a favor so

earnestly required, proceeded to Vittoria, yet so reluctantly, that on their entrance into that town, thinking it would be useless to renew his solicitations, Savary left him there and continued his journey to Bayonne, there to arrange measures with his master for securing the prey which was At Vittoria, now already in the toils. Ferdinand received intelligence that Buonaparte had reached Bourdeaux, and was on his way to Bayonne. In consequence of this advice, the infante Don Carlos, who had been waiting at Tolosa, proceeded to Bayonne, whither the emperor had invited him, and when the modern Cæsar Borgia arrived there, he found one victim in his power. Don Carlos soon discovered the views of Buonaparte; and, having communicated his fears to Pignatelli, on whom he relied as a Spaniard and a man of honor, drew up with his advice a letter to Ferdinand, beseeching him to abandon his jour ney to Bayonne. Pignatelli was in Naney to Bayonne. poleon's interest, and intercepted the messengers. Their measures were soon solved upon: Savary returned to Vittoria with a letter from Buonaparte to Ferdinand, Such a couched in terms of mingled sarcasm, menace, and ardent friendship. letter might well have intimidated Ferdinand from proceeding on his journey to Bayonne, but he had advanced too far to recede, and the French troops in the neighbourhood of Vittoria surrounded him, ready to intercept his retreat, should he attempt it. Cevallos, his other counsellors, and the people of Vittoria, besought him not to advance, while general Savary assured him with the most vehement protestations, that in a few minutes after his arrival at Bayonne, he would be recognised as king of Spain and of the Indies. Confused, terrified, and in the power of Buonaparte, the only relief he could find was in yielding implicit belief to these repreHis credulity can hardly sentations.

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The treachery was too be condemned. complicated, too monstrous to be suspected. Centuries had elapsed since any act of similar perfidy had stained the history of Europe.

He proceeded and crossed the stream

which divides the two kingdoms. Scarcely had he set foot upon the French territory before he remarked that no one came to receive him; a neglect more striking as he had travelled so far to meet the emperor. At St. Jean de Luz he was complimented by the simple and unsuspecting mayor, and shortly afterwards was met by his grandees, who had been sent to compliment the emperor. Their report was sufficiently discouraging, but he was now near Bayonne, and it was too late to turn back. The prince of Neufchatei, (Berthier,) and Duroc, the marshal of the palace, came out to meet him, and conduct him to the place which had been appointed for his residence, a place so little suited to such a guest, that he could not for a moment be insensible that it marked the most gross and wilful disrespect. Before he had recovered from his surprise and alarm, Buonaparte accompanied by several of his generals paid him a visit. Ferdinand, from motives of policy, went down to the street door to receive him, and they embraced with every token of friendship. The interview was short and merely complimentary. Buonaparte embraced him at parting. "The kiss of Judas Iscariot," says a Spanish patriot, "was not more treacherous than the Corsican salute."

Ferdinand was not long suffered to remain uncertain of his fate. Buonaparte, as if he derived a criminal pleasure from acting the part of the deceiver, invited him to dinner, sent his carriage for his conveyance, came to the coach steps to receive him, again embraced him and led him by the hand into the banquet room. Ferdinand sat at the same table with him as a friend, a guest, and an ally, and no sooner had he returned to his own residence, than general Savary came to inform him of the emperor's irrevocable determination that the Bourbon dynasty should no longer reign in Spain; that it was to be succeeded by the Buonaparte; and that Ferdinand was expected in his own name and that of all his family to renounce the crown of Spain, and of the Indies in their favor. Ferdinand for a while resisted the proposal, and through the agency of M. Cevallos, represented with

firmness but moderation its injustice to himself, to his family, and to Europe. Already he had sufficient reason to feel himself a prisoner, and determined to hazard the utmost vengeance of Napoleon, rather than passively submit to 'accumulated injuries, he announced his intention to return, in conformity with his solemn promise, to the Spanish nation, adding that he should be ready to treat in his own dominions on all convenient subjects, with any person whom it might please his imperial majesty to authorize. No answer was returned to this despatch, but the spies within the palace, and the guards without were doubled. A guard at the door even ordered the king and his brother, on their appearance at midnight, to retire to their apartments. The mind of Ferdinand was not yet so subdued, as to brook this insult. He complained bitterly of the humiliation to which he was subjected, and the governor endeavored to soothe his indignation by courteous language. The act however was repeated, and unwilling to expose himself a third time to insults which he had no means of resenting, he abstained from leaving his chamber.

In the mean time collateral measures were not neglected. The prisoner Godoy had been and would be the creature of of France, and Buonaparte was resolved to save him. Having recourse to direct falsehood, he sent information to Murat that the prince of Asturias had placed the prisoner entirely at his disposal, and ordered him to demand and obtain the surrender of his person. The marquis de Castellar to whom the custody of Godoy was committed, reluctantly complied with a note from the supreme junta, transmitted, in consequence of the assurances of Murat, by general Belliard, and demanding his liberation, and Godoy was removed by night. With a rapidity that eluded the vigilance of the exasperated people, he proceeded accompanied by a strong escort, to Bayonne. Godoy, as was expected, became one of the most useful and active instruments of Buonaparte. By his influence Charles was induced to treat his son as an enemy, a rebel, and a traitor, and to resume the crown for

the purpose of transferring it to a despot and a stranger, from whose unprovoked aggression, he himself a few weeks before, attempted to abandon his kingdom and fly to America.

Ferdinand was now reduced to the necessity of choice between degradation and absolute destruction. He made however one effort in behalf of Spain and of himself, and addressed his father in a letter not less dignified than respectful, in which he asserted his right to the crown, and his readiness to restore it. In the answer to this letter, the style as well as the purposes of Buonaparte were apparent. The hatred of popular assemblies, the affectation of philosophy, the perpetual reference to brutal force, and the number and inconsistency of the falsehoods it contained were all characteristic of the bureau from which it originally proceeded. Ferdinand's answer to this extraordinary paper was highly honorable to himself and his advisers, and Buonaparte irritated and surprised by the firmness of his resistance, demanded an hour's conference with Charles, at the conclusion of which Ferdinand was called in by his father, to hear in the presence of Napoleon, and of the queen of Spain, expressions so indecent and disgust ing, that I dare not record them. It may be mentioned however, that intimidated by the threats of Buonaparte, the queen declared Ferdinand to have been born in adultery, and authorised the emperor of France to assert that he had no other right to the crown than what he derived from his mother. While all the rest of the visitors were seated, Ferdinand was kept standing, and his father (May 6th) ordered him to make an absolute renunciation of the crown, under pain of being treated with all his household as a usurper and conspirator against the lives of his parents. For the sake of his adherents he submitted, and delivered in a renunciation couched in such terms as at once to imply compulsion, and reserve the condition of his father's return to Spain. He was not aware when he executed this form of renunciation that his father was no longer qualified to receive it. Napoleon had not waited for this pre

liminary to conclude his mock negotiation with Charles. This wretched puppet addressed an edict on the 4th of May to the supreme junta of Madrid, in which he nominated Murat, lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and president of the government. The message was immediately succeeded by a resignation on the part of Charles, of the sovereignty of Spain to the emperor of France, in return for an asylum in France, and various pecuniary gratuities dependent on the punctuality and integrity of Napoleon. The agreement was signed by general Duroc, grand master of the palace, on the part of Buonaparte, and on the part of Charles, by Godoy, under his titles, Spanish and Portuguese, of prince de la Paz, and count of Evora Monte. Having executed his commission, the latter retired into the interior of France, there to remain for a while, neglected, and despised, and ultimately to leave beliind him a name more infamous than any which Spanish history replete as it is with atrocious narratives, had yet recorded.

Ferdinand had hitherto renounced his right in reference to his father only. It was now demanded that he should cede his claims to the emperor of France, and he was told to choose between cession and death. That Ferdinand should at length have yielded is not to be severely con demned, it is rather to be admired that he should have resisted so long. Even had he been of a more heroic frame than from his family and education there is any reason to suppose, imprisonment and death were all that he could expect from further opposition. Thus intimidated he ordered his former tutor, Escoiquiz, to treat with of his own Duroc for the surrender of his rights, and those of his brothers and his uncle Don Antonio, who had now been sent from Madrid, rather as prisoners, than in any other character. The preamble declared that the emperor of the French and the prince of Asturias having differences to regulate had agreed to these terms: I. That Ferdinand acceded to the cession made by his father, and reuounced as far as might be necessary the rights accruing to him as prince of Asturias. II. The title

of royal highness with all the honors and prerogatives, personal and hereditary, which the princes of the blood enjoyed, should be granted him in France. III. The palaces, parks, and farms of Navarre should be given to him and his heirs in property for ever. V. VI. VII. Four hundred thousand livres of appanage rent, on the treasury of France, should be settled upon him with reversion to his heirs, and the prince himself should receive a life rent of 600,000 livres, while the infantes and their descendants should continue to enjoy the revenues of their commanderies in Spain, and an appanage rent of 400,000

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livres in perpetuity, with reversion to the issue of Ferdinand. No mention was made in the treaty of the queen of Etruria, and her son, a boy of eight years old, who was to have been made, by the doubly treacherous treaty of Fontainbleau, king of northern Lusitania. Involved in the common destruction of their house, they were seized with the infantes at Madrid, and escorted to Bayonne. After this event, the whole of the unhappy family, now that the mockery of negotiation was at an end, were sent into the interior of France.

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