its embryo state on the Sea Islands, and spreading its filthy meshes all over the State. These were, at first, mere swindling machines in the hands of sharpers. Afterwards party contrivances were superadded for the political bondage of the black man, far more galling than those world-abused "chains of slavery." These man-traps furnished appropriate schooling for that rapacious crew who afterwards revelled in the treasury of the State. Here Scott and his congenial colleagues received that impervious coating over everything like conscience, which fitted him and them for the open robbing of public funds.

By way of gossiping postscript to this chapter, it may be remarked that these colored garrisons, so profusely scattered over the State, rejoiced in the highsounding titles of "57th," "59th," &c., "Massachusetts Regiments," and some explanation seems necessary for the fact that Massachusetts Regiments were so exclusively selected to march over South Carolina soil, after the surrender.

In the malarial regions near Port Royal, including most of the Sea Islands, the slaves employed in the culture of rice and cotton constituted the very lowest type of the African race in the State. They were for the most part the immediate descendants of the latest importations of native Africans brought to our shores, in New England vessels, up to 1808-the limit fixed in the constitution to the “ slave trade." These were generally worked in large gangs, having but little intercourse with the whites. For example, Governor Aiken owned more than one thousand of them, on

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his Island of Jehossee, and with the exception of his overseer, his physician, and the methodist preacher, they seldom saw a white man from one Christmas to another.

Now, these were the fields from which Massachusetts swelled the numbers of her regiments, with the rank and file, who could not even speak her vernacular. The officers of these regiments may have belonged, and probably did belong, to the "cod fish aristocracy," but all the privates were the genuine Cudjoes and Cuffees of this class-familiarly known as "Gullah negroes."

Their language was an unintelligible jargon to these officers, and nothing short of the "bountycash" could have induced them to undertake the drilling of these thick-skulled, semi-savage soldiers.

These garrison commands afforded appropriate training for the richer spoils of the Freedman's Bureau, into which these self-sacrificing patriots so quickly retired, on the cessation of hostilities; and to which they so tenaciously clung, as long as there was a dollar of congressional appropriation in their treasuries.

3

The first ray of hope that dawned on the dark picture given in the last chapter, was the announcement of President Johnson's " Policy" of restoring the Confederate States to the Union, on their complying with certain conditions precedent. In pursuance of this policy, the Hon. B. F. Perry, a thorough Union man, all before and through the war, but highly respected, and honored by his fellow-citizens, for his high character, unswerving integrity, and his honesty of purpose, was appointed "Provisional Governor " by the President. And now, in 1865, for the first time, the forms of Government were, once more, assumed.

A convention of the people was called to alter and amend the constitution. Just then began that system of "dirt eating," whereby her own citizens have been made to bring degradation on the State. In complying with the "conditions" emanating from Washington, many of the old land-marks of the past, hallowed by the most sacred associations, were removed by our own people. Those who have felt the power of W. H. Seward, still Secretary of State, at Washington, could easily discern “the hand of Joab' in these requirements, though they came ostensibly

from the President. mental law, was made to abolish slavery-or, rather, to recognize abolition, and to declare that the institution should never again exist within her borders.

At last, the State, in this funda

Under this constitution, the courts were re-opened, a Legislature elected, as also members of Congress and U. S. Senators. All the conditions were fully complied with, and the State fully equipped for a new departure. Her citizens once more began to breathe freely, and hopes for the future began, at last, to loom up before them.

Unfortunately, all this was soon clouded in impenetrable darkness; and, after a bitter experience of ten long years, no light has yet dawned upon us. In December, 1865, Congress convened in regular session, and, in a very short time, President Johnson's policy was wholly ignored by them, and all his measures and plans were upset by the famous "Reconstruction Acts," by which the State was promptly remanded to her previous condition of "conquered territory." As all the measures already adopted were acceptable to the majority, the forms of government were not absolutely abolished-nor was there any necessity for this. Under the military government, so promptly introduced, the Commanding General was, in fact, the Governor; the orders from headquarters were, in effect, the legislature; the military tribunals were, really, the judiciary; and the Freed-. man's Bureau was a very acceptable substitute for all municipal authority in cities and towns.

To give some plausible pretext for this over-riding

of all the forms of civil government, certain measures were proposed to the legislature for adoption, whereby odium, disfranchisement and public disgrace were to be heaped upon her former leaders, both in the cabinet and in the field. Of course, South Carolina rejected these almost unanimously, failing by a single vote of entire unanimity-and, immediately, a howl of disloyalty was raised against her, from one part of the country to the other. Her sons could not vote for such measures, consistently with their manhood, nor could they have retained any sense of selfrespect, had they acquiesced. Their course, in thus resisting these dishonorable and dishonoring requisitions, was anticipated by their political oppressors, and exactly answered their purposes.

Still, these citizens, not yet indoctrinated into the omnipotence of the American Congress, were buoyed up by the delusive hope that President Johnson's policy would yet prevail. They were induced to believe that these Reconstruction Acts were unconsti

tutional, and that the executive and judiciary departments of government would yet check the madness of Congress, under the "old flag" which they had resumed. But the President was without a party, and the salaries and tenure of office of the Supreme Court depended upon the votes of Congress. Not yet believing all this, they really pursuaded themselves that this second "Congressional Reconstruction" would prove a sham. When, therefore, another convention of the State was called under these Acts, to make another Constitution, it was