timents on the minds of those with whom they might have influence; and where their being received might be of importance. I then remarked, that his nation seemed to desire a reconciliation with America: that I heartily wished the same thing: that a mere peace would not produce half its advantages, if not attended with a sincere reconciliation: that, to obtain this, the party which had been the aggressor, and had cruelly treated the other, should shew some marks of concern for what was past, and some disposition to make reparation that perhaps there were things which America might demand, by way of reparation, and which England might yield; but that the effect would be vastly greater, if they appeared to be voluntary, and to spring from returning good will that I therefore wished England would think of offering something to relieve those who had suffered by its scalping and burning parties. Lives indeed could not be restored nor compensated; but the villages and houses, wantonly destroyed, might be rebuilt, &c. I then touched. upon the affair of Canada; and, as in a former conversation he had mentioned his opinion, that the giving up that country to the English, at the last peace, had been a politic act in France; for that it had weakened the ties between England and her colonies, and that he himself had predicted from it the late revolution. I spoke of the occasions of future quarrels that might be produced, by her continuing to hold it; hinting at the same time, but not expressing too plainly, that such a situation to us so dangerous, would necessarily oblige us to cultivate and strengthen our union with France. He appeared much struck with my discourse; and as I frequently looked at my paper, he desired to see it. After some little delay, I allowed him to read it. The following is an exact copy.

NOTES OF CONVERSATION.

TO make a peace durable, what may give occasion for future wars should, if practicable, be removed.

The territory of the United States, and that of Canada, by long extended frontiers, touch each other.

The settlers, on the frontiers of the American provinces, are generally the most disorderly of the people, who being far removed from the eye and control of their respective governments, are more bold in committing offences against neighbors, and are for ever occasioning complaints, and furnishing matter for fresh differences between their states.

By the late debates in parliament, and public writings, it appears that Britain desires a reconciliation with the Americans. It is a sweet word. It means more than a mere peace, and what is heartily to be wished for. Nations make a peace whenever they are both weary of making war. But if one of them has made war upon the other unjustly, and has wantonly, and unnecessarily, done it great injuries, and refuses reparation; though there may, for the present, be peace, the resentment of those injuries will remain, and will break out again in vengeance when occasions offer. These occasions will be watched for by one side, feared by the other, and the peace will never be secure, nor can any cordiality subsist between them.

Many houses and villages have been burnt in America by the English, and their allies the Indians. I do not know that the Americans will insist on reparation, perhaps they may. But would it not be better for England to offer it? Nothing would have a greater tendency to coneiliate, and much of the future commerce and returning intercourse, between the two countries, may depend on the reconciliation. Would not the advantage of reconciliation, by such means, be greater than the expense.

If then a way can be proposed, which may tend to efface the memory of injuries, at the same time that it takes away the occasions of fresh quarrels and mischief, will it not be worth considering, especially if it can be done, not only without expense, but be a means of saving?

Britain possesses Canada. Her chief advantage from that possession consists in the trade for peltry. Her expenses in governing and defending that settlement must be considerable. It might be humiliating to her to give it up on the demand of America. Perhaps America will not

demand it. Some of the political rulers may consider the fear of such a neighbor, as the means of keeping the thirteen states more united among themselves, and more attentive to military discipline. But, on the mind of the people in general, would it not have an excellent effect, if Britain should voluntarily offer to give up this province, though, on these conditions, that she shall, in all times coming, have and enjoy the right of free trade thither, unincumbered with any duties whatsoever: that so much of the vacant lands there shall be sold, as will raise a sum sufficient to pay for the houses burnt by the British troops, and the Indians; and also to indemnify the royalists for the confiscation of their estates.

This is mere conversation matter, between Mr. Oswald and Mr. Franklin, as the former is not empowered to make propositions, and the latter cannot make any without the concurrence of his colleagues.

He then told me, that nothing in his judgment could be clearer, and more satisfactory and convincing, than the reasonings in that paper: that he would do his utmost to impress lord Shelburne with them: that as his memory might not do them justice, and it would be impossible for him to express them so well, or state them so clearly as I had written them, he begged that I would let him take the paper with him, assuring me that he would return it safely into my hands. I at length complied with this request also. We parted exceeding good friends, and he set out for London.

By the first opportunity after his departure, I wrote the following letter to Mr. Adams, and sent the paper therein mentioned, that he might be fully apprised of the proceedings. I omitted only the paper of notes for conversation with Mr. Oswald, but gave the substance, as appears in the

letter.

The reason of my omitting it was, that, on reflection, I was not pleased with my having hinted a reparation to the tories for their forfeited estates. I was a little ashamed

of my weakness in permitting the paper to go out of my

hands.

Dr. Franklin to Mr. Adams.

Passy, April 20, 1782.

SIR,

....

I HOPE your excellency received the copy of our instructions, which I sent by the courier from Versailles some weeks since. I wrote you on the 13th to go by captain Smedley, and sent a packet of correspondence with Mr. Hartly. Smedley did not leave Paris so soon as I expected or you should have had it by this time. With this I send a fresh correspondence, which I have been drawn into, to wit, 1st. A letter I sent to lord Shelburne before he was minister. 2d. His answer, since he was minister, by Mr. Oswald. 3d. A letter from Mr. Laurens. 4th. My letter to M. de Vergennes. 5th. My answer to lord Shelburne. 6th. My answer to Mr. Laurens. 7th. Copy of Reports. These papers will inform pretty well of what passed between me and Mr. Oswald, except that, in a conversation at parting, I mentioned to him, that I observed they spoke much in England of obtaining a reconciliation with the colonies: that this was more than a peace, that the latter might possibly be obtained, without the former; that the cruel injuries constantly done us, by burning our towns, &c. had made deep impressions of resentment that would long remain: that much of the advantage to the commerce of England, from a peace, would depend on a reconciliation: that the peace, without reconciliation, would probably not be durable: that after a quarrel between friends, nothing tended so much to conciliate, as offers made by the aggressor, of reparation for injuries done by him in his passion. And hinted, that if England should make us a voluntary offer of Canada, expressly for that purpose, it might have a good effect. Mr. Oswald liked much the idea, said they were too much straitened for money to make us pecuniary re paration, but he should endeavor to persuade their doing

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it in that way. He is furnished with a passport to go and return by Calais, and I expect him back in ten or twelve days. I wish you and Mr. Laurens could be here when he arrives, for I shall much want your advice, and cannot act without your concurrence. If the present crisis of your affairs prevents your coming, I hope at least Mr. Laurens will be here, and we must communicate with you by expresses, for your letters to me per post are generally opened. I shall write per next post, requesting Mr. Jay to be here also as soon as possible.

I received your letter, advising of your draft on me for a quarter's salary, which will be duly honored.

With great esteem I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

Supposing Mr. Laurens to be in Holland with Mr. Adams, I at the same time wrote him the following letter. Passy, April 20, 1782.

SIR,

I RECEIVED, by Mr. Oswald, the letter you did me the honor of writing to me the 7th instant. He brought me also a letter from lord Shelburne, which gave him the same character that you did; adding, " he is fully apprised of my mind, and you may give full credit to every thing he assures you of." Mr. Oswald, however, could give me no other particulars of his lordship's mind; but that he was sincerely disposed to peace. As to me the message seemed therefore rather intended to procure or receive propostions than to make any, I told Mr. Oswald, that I could make none, but in concurrence with my colleagues in the commission, and that if we were together, we should not treat but in conjunction with France; and I proposed introducing him to M. de Vergennes, which he accepted. He made to that minister the same declaration of the disposition of England to peace; who replied, that France had assuredly the same good disposition: that a treaty might be immediately begun, but it must be for a general, and not