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it for a private letter, be found it difficult to change the form of address, when his sentiments bad grown into a greater extent, and had received another direction. A different plan, he is sensible, might be more favourable to a commodious division and diftribution of his matter.
OU are pleased to call again, and with
Tome earnestness, for my thoughts on the late proceedings in France. I will not give you reason to imagine, that I think my sentiments of such value as to wish myself to be folicited about them. They are of too little consequence to be very anxiously either communicated or withheld. It was from attention to you, and to you only, that I hesitated at the time, when you first desired to receive them. In the first letter I had the honour to write to you, and which at length I send, I wrote neither for nor from any description of men; nor shall I in this. My errors, if any, are my own. My reputation alone is to answer for them.
You see, Sir, by the long letter I have transmitted to you, that, though I do most heartily with that France may be animated by a spirit of
rational liberty, and that I think you bound, in.
You imagined, when you wrote last, that I
I certainly have the honour to belong to more
particulars in your letter, I shall beg leave to
The first, calling itself the Constitutional So.
ceedings been accounted, except by some of themselves, as of any ferious consequence.
Your National Affembly seems to entertain much the same opinion that I do of this poor charitable club. As a nation, you reserved the whole stock of your eloquent acknowledgments for the Revolution Society; when their fellows in the Constitutional were, in equity, entitled to fome share. Since you have selected the Revolution Society as the great obje&t of your national thanks and praises, you will think me excuseable in making its late conduct the subject of my observations. The National Assembly of France has given importance to these gentlemen by adopting them; and they return the favour, by acting as a sort of sub-committee in England for extending the principles of the National Affembly. Henceforward must consider them as a kind of privileged persons; as inconsiderable members in the diplomatic body. This is one among the revolutions which have given splendour to obscurity, and distinction to undiscerned merit. Uncil very lately I do not recollect to have heard of this club. I am quite sure that it never occupied a ment of my thoughts ; nor, I believe, those of any person out of their own set. I find, upon enquiry, that on the anniversary of the Revolution in 1688, a club of diflenters, but of what denomination I know not, have long had the custom of hearing a sermon in one of their