: data; but that its excellence when established is in the number of observations which it explains. The multiplicity of observations which are explained by astronomy, and which are made because astronomy explains them, is immense, as I have noted in the text. And the multitude of observations thus made is employed for the purpose of correcting the first adopted elements of the theory. I have mentioned some of the examples of this process: I might mention many others in order to continue the history of this part of Astronomy up to the present time. But I will notice only those which seem to me the most remarkable. In 1812, Burckhardt's Tables de la Lune were published by the French Bureau des Longitudes. A comparison of these and Burg's with a considerable number of observations, gave 9-100ths of a second as the mean error of the former in the Moon's longitude, while the mean error of Burg's was 18-100ths. The preference was therefore accorded to Burckhardt's. Yet the Lunar Tables were still as much as thirty seconds wrong in single observations. This circumstance, and Laplace's expressed wish, induced the French Academy to offer a prize for a complete and purely theoretical determination of the Lunar path, instead of determinations resting, as hitherto, partly upon theory and partly upon observations. In 1820, two prize essays appeared, the one by Damoiseau, the other by Plana and Carlini. And some years afterwards (in 1824, and again in 1828), Damoiseau published Tables de la Lune formeés sur la seule Théorie d'Attraction. These agree very closely with observation. That we may form some notion of the complexity of the problem, I may state that the longitude of the Moon is in these Tables affected by no fewer than forty-seven equations; and the other quantities which determine her place are subject to inequalities not much less in number. Still I had to state in the second Edition, published in 1847, that there remained an unexplained discordance between theory and observation in the motions of the Moon; an inequality of long period as it seemed, which the theory did not give. A careful examination of a long series of the best observations of the Moon, compared throughout with the theory in its most perfect form, would afford the means both of correcting the numerical elements of the theory, and of detecting the nature, and perhaps the law, of any still remaining discrepancies. Such a work, however, required vast labor, as well as great skill and profound mathematical knowledge. Mr. Airy undertook the task; employing for that purpose, the Observations of the Moon made at Greenwich from 1750 to 1830. Above 8000 observed places of the Moon were compared with theory by the computation of the same number of places, each separately and independently calculated from Plana's Formulæ. A body of calculators (sometimes sixteen), at the expense of the British Government, was employed for about eight years in this work. When we take this in conjunction with the labor which the observations themselves imply, it may serve to show on what a scale the verification of the Newtonian theory has been conducted. The first results of this labor were published in two quarto volumes; the final deductions as to correction of elements, &c., were given in the Memoirs of the Astronomical Society in 1848.' Even while the calculations were going on, it became apparent that there were some differences between the observed places of the Moon, and the theory so far as it had then been developed. M. Hansen, an eminent German mathematician who had devised new and powerful methods for the mathematical determination of the results of the law of gravitation, was thus led to explore still further the motions of the Moon in pursuance of this law. The result was that he found there must exist two lunar inequalities, hitherto not known; the one of 273, and the other of 239 years, the coefficients of which are respectively 27 and 23 seconds. Both these originate in the attraction of Venus; one of them being connected with the long inequality in the Solar Tables, of which Mr. Airy had already proved the existence, as stated in Chap. vi, Sect. 6 of this Book. These inequalities fell in with the discrepancies between the actual observations and the previously calculated Tables, which Mr. Airy had discovered. And again, shortly afterwards, M. Hansen found that there resulted from the theory two other new equations of the Moon; one in latitude and one in longitude, agreeing with two which were found by Mr. Airy in deducing from the observations the correction of the elements of the Lunar Tables. And again, a little later, there was detected by these mathematicians a theoretical correction for the mo The total expense of computers, to the end of reading the proof-sheets, was 4300Z. Mr. Airy's estimate of days' works [made before beginning], for the heavy part of calculations only, was thirty-six years of one computer. This was somewhat exceeded, but not very greatly, in that part. tion of the Node of the Moon's orbit, coinciding exactly with one which had been found to appear in the observations. Nothing can more strikingly exhibit the confirmation which increased scrutiny brings to light between the Newtonian theory on the one hand, and the celestial motions on the other. We have here a very large mass of the best observations which have ever been made, systematically examined, with immense labor, and with the set purpose of correcting at once all the elements of the Lunar Tables. The corrections of the elements thus deduced imply of course some error in the theory as previously developed. But at the same time, and with the like determination thoroughly to explore the subject, the theory is again pressed to yield its most complete results, by the invention of new and powerful mathematical methods; and the event is, that residual errors of the old Tables, several in number, following the most diverse laws, occurring in several detached parts, agree with the residual results of the Theory thus newly extracted from it. And thus every additional exactness of scrutiny into the celestial motions on the one hand and the Newtonian theory on the other, has ended, sooner or later, in showing the exactness of their coincidence. The comparison of the theory with observation in the case of the motions of the Planets, the motion of each being disturbed by the attraction of all the others, is a subject in some respects still more complicated and laborious. This work also was undertaken by the same indefatigable astronomer; and here also his materials belonged to the same period as before; being the admirable observations made at Greenwich from 1750 to 1830, during the time that Bradley, Maskelyne, and Pond were the Astronomers Royal. These Planetary observations were deduced, and the observed places were compared with the tabular places: with Lindenau's Tables of Mercury, Venus, and Mars; and with Bouvard's Tables of Jupiter, Saturn, and Uranus; and thus, while the received theory and its elements were confirmed, the means of testing any improvement which may hereafter be proposed, either in the form of the theoretical results or in the constant elements which they involved, was placed within the reach of the astron 2 The observations of stars made by Bradley, who preceded Maskelyne at Greenwich, had already been discussed by Bessel, a great German astronomer; and the results published in 1818, with a title that well showed the estimation in which he held those materials: Fundamenta Astronomia pro anno 1775, deducta ex Observationibus viri incomparabilis James Bradley in specula Astronomica Grenovicensi per unnos 1750-1762 institutis. omers of all future time. The work appeared in 1845; the expense of the compilations and the publication being defrayed by the British Government. The Discovery of Neptune. The theory of gravitation was destined to receive a confirmation more striking than any which could arise from any explanation, however perfect, given by the motions of a known planet; namely, in revealing the existence of an unknown planet, disclosed to astronomers by the attraction which it exerted upon a known one. The story of the discovery of Neptune by the calculations of Mr. Adams and M. Le Verrier was partly told in the former edition of this History. I had there stated (vol. ii. p. 306) that "a deviation of observation from the theory occurs at the very extremity of the solar system, and that its existence appears to be beyond doubt. Uranus does not conform to the Tables calculated for him on the theory of gravitation. In 1821, Bouvard said in the Preface to the Tables of this Planet, "the formation of these Tables offers to us this alternative, that we cannot satisfy modern observations to the requisite degree of precision without making our Tables deviate from the ancient observations." But when we have done this, there is still a discordance between the Tables and the more modern observations, and this discordance goes on increasing. At present the Tables make the Planet come upon the meridian about eight seconds later than he really does. This discrepancy has turned the thoughts of astronomers to the effects which would result from a planet external to Uranus. It appears that the observed motion would be explained by applying a planet at twice the distance of Uranus from the Sun to exercise a disturbing force, and it is found that the present longitude of this disturbing body must be about 325 degrees. I added, "M. Le Verrier (Comptes Remdus, Jan. 1, 1846) and, as I am informed by the Astronomer Royal, Mr. Adams, of St. John's College, Cambridge, have both arrived independently at this result." To this Edition I added a Postscript, dated Nov. 7, 1846, in which I said: "The planet exterior to Uranus, of which the existence was inferred by M. Le Verrier and Mr. Adams from the motions of Uranus (vol. ii. Note (L.) ), has since been discovered. This confirmation of calculations founded upon the doctrine of universal gravitation, may be looked upon as the most remarkable event of the kind since the return of Halley's comet in 1757; and in some respects, as a more striking event even than that; inasmuch as the new planet had never been seen at all, and was discovered by mathematicians entirely by their feeling of its influence, which they perceived through the organ of mathematical calculation. "There can be no doubt that to M. Le Verrier belongs the glory of having first published a prediction of the place and appearance of the new planet, and of having thus occasioned its discovery by astronomical observers. M. Le Verrier's first prediction was published in the Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Sciences, for June 1, 1846 (not Jan. 1, as erroneously printed in my Note). A subsequent paper on the subject was read Aug. 31. The planet was seen by M. Galle, at the Observatory of Berlin, on September 23, on which day he had received an express application from M. Le Verrier, recommending him to endeavor to recognize the stranger by its having a visible disk. Professor Challis, at the Observatory of Cambridge, was looking out for the new planet from July 29, and saw it on August 4, and again on August 12, but without recognizing it, in consequence of his plan of not comparing his observations till he had accumulated a greater number of them. On Sept. 29, having read for the first time M. Le Verrier's second paper, he altered his plan, and paid attention to the physical appearance rather than the position of the star. On that very evening, not having then heard of M. Galle's discovery, he singled out the star by its seeming to have a disk. "M. Le Verrier's mode of discussing the circumstances of Uranus's motion, and inferring the new planet from these circumstances, is in the highest degree sagacious and masterly. Justice to him cannot require that the contemporaneous, though unpublished, labors of Mr. Adams, of St. John's College, Cambridge, should not also be recorded. Mr. Adams made his first calculations to account for the anomalies in the motion of Uranus, on the hypothesis of a more distant planet, in 1843. At first he had not taken into account the earlier Greenwich observations; but these were supplied to him by the Astronomer Royal, in 1844. In September, 1845, Mr. Adams communicated to Professor Challis values of the elements of the supposed disturbing body; namely, its mean distance, mean longitude at a given epoch, longitude of perihelion, eccentricity of orbit, and mass. In the next month, he communicated to the Astronomer Royal values of the same elements, somewhat corrected. The note (L.), vol. ii., of the present work (2d Ed.), in which the names of MM. Le Verrier and Adams are mentioned in conjunction, was in the press in August, 1846, a |